Banking in the cloud: Part 1 – banks' use of cloud services

This paper looks at EU banks' use of public cloud computing services. It is based primarily on anonymised interviews with banks, cloud providers, advisers, and financial services regulators. The findings are presented in three parts. Part 1 explores the extent to which banks operating in the EU, including global banks, use public cloud computing services. It describes how banks are using cloud computing and the key drivers for doing so (such as time to market), as well as real and perceived barriers (such as misconceptions about cloud and financial services regulation), including cultural and technical/commercial aspects. It summarises how banks have approached the cloud and how cloud providers have approached the banking sector.Part 2 of this paper will cover the main legal and regulatory issues that may affect banks' use of cloud services, including how the regulation of outsourcing applies to banks' use of cloud services. Part 3 will look at the key contractual issues that arise between banks and cloud service providers, including data protection requirements, termination, service changes, and liability.All three parts of the paper can be accessed via Computer Law and Security Review's page on ScienceDirect at: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/02673649?sdc=2. The full list of sources is available via the same link and will be printed alongside the third part of the paper.     

正阳县医疗机构消毒监测结果分析

目的：了解正阳县医疗机构消毒工作状况,为提高消毒质量提供科学依据。方法：按卫生部（《消毒技术规范》和《医院消毒卫生标准》GB15982—1995执行。结果：2005～2007年样品合格率依次为70．65％、85．97％、92．60％。结论：正阳县医疗机构消毒效果（质量）合格率呈逐年上升趋势,但仍存在一些问题,卫生行政部门和疾控机构应加大监督和监测力度。     

再论我国公立高等学校之法律地位

我国公立高等学校的法律地位问题日益成为教育法制的焦点。本文认为,高等学校在不同方面具有不同的法律地位:其在行使法律、法规授予的行政管理等职权时,是行政主体;在接受有关行政主体监督、管理时,是行政相对人;在管理有关资产以及进行平权性质的活动时,是民事主体。此外,公立高校与其内部群体如教师、学生等存在多种复杂的法律关系。因此,我们把握公立高等学校的法律地位需要一种综合性的视角,并注意具体区分授权基础、行为类型和事务性质。     

新冠肺炎疫情期间综合性医疗机构不同类型空调运行管理初探

新型冠状病毒肺炎疫情在全球多国暴发,加强医疗机构不同类型空调运行管理对于预防疾病传播具有重要意义.通过调查松江区30家综合性医疗机构空调使用类型情况,尤其是发热门诊、隔离病房、发热哨点、新冠病毒核酸检测采样点、内镜室、口腔科、候诊室、病房等重点部门的空调类型,调查空调运行情况、卫生管理、清洗消毒、定期检测等,制定常态化...     

高校司法鉴定机构应对市场化的初探

随着司法鉴定制度改革的逐步推进,新的司法鉴定机构如雨后春笋般纷纷设立,司法鉴定机构也必将被我国特有的市场经济所覆盖,司法鉴定机构市场化在所难免。高校司法鉴定机构是否能够不被这股强劲的司法鉴定制度改革浪潮所淹没,甚至脱颖而出,取决于高校司法鉴定机构能否在其市场化的过程中整合特有资源,顺应市场,克服难点,发挥优势。     

通过高等教育"第二课堂"开展社会主义法治理念教育的模式分析

社会主义法治理念教育如何在高校开展是一项重大课题,而如何通过第二课堂展开教育活动则是一项探索,本文提出应该以多种多样的第二课堂活动为载体,紧紧抓住法治理念教育的实质,把社会主义法治理念教育和高校课外活动结合起来,履行高校培养具有社会主义法治理念的高素质大学生的使命。     

The Political Side of Consociationalism Reconsidered: Switzerland between a Polarized Parliament and Delicate Government Collegiality

This paper builds upon the concept of “coalescent elite behaviour” which is crucial in consociational theory, but contested regarding its actual conceptualization. Contrary to Lijphart's (1968) original assumption that elites are generally committed to an “overarching cooperation”, we hypothesize that institutional venues must be taken in account. Thus, the aim of this paper is twofold: Conceptually, we try to clarify the nature of “amicable agreement” regarding two core institutions (i.e. parliament, government), and regarding executive‐legislative relations. Empirically, we follow a two‐step empirical approach that combines a cross‐time comparison of the decision‐making process regarding the revision of the Swiss basic pension scheme (AHV) with a cross‐case assessment following Fischer's two‐dimensional typology. More generally, our findings serve to inductively refine the “political side” of consociationalism.     

Is Any Publicity Good Publicity? Media Coverage,Party Institutions,and Authoritarian Power-Sharing

Existing literature identifies nonofficial media as a tool for rulers to gather information from below. We argue that such media also help identify threats among elites. Motivated by profit, partially free media tend to cover politicians who challenge implicit norms of the regime. These political elites are perceived as threats to the power-sharing status quo, which leads peers to sanction them. We test this argument with evidence from the Chinese Communist Party’s intraparty elections of alternate Central Committee members in 2012 and 2007. With Bayesian rank likelihood models, we find that candidates who appeared more frequently in various partially free media received fewer votes from the Party Congress delegates, and this pattern is robust after accounting for a series of alternative explanations. Detailed case studies also show that low-ranked candidates have more partially free media coverage because they broke party norms.     

Managing conflict in north-west Kenya: the siege of Loregon and its aftermath

Conflict management in the context of ethnic boundaries and a history of inter-ethnic violence remains a challenge in a range of socio-economic contexts. Conflict management in remote rural areas within developing states where state presence and capacity is relatively weak amidst a background of prolonged and ongoing inter-ethnic violence is particularly challenging. This article examines a case of successful bottom-up efforts to manage conflict at the micro level in northern Kenya. Focusing on the so-called siege of Loregon and its aftermath, this case study describes dynamics on one part of the ‘border’ between Turkana and Pokot ethnic groups, examining the causes and consequences of this violent episode, with a particular focus on recent successes at the local level in managing conflict and as a consequence in reducing the likelihood of future violence in a particular locality, despite ongoing violence in other parts of the interface between Turkana-Pokot ethnic groups.     

Unravelling semi-presidentialism: democracy and government performance in four distinct regime types

Do semi-presidential regimes perform worse than other regime types? Semi-presidentialism has become a preferred choice among constitution makers worldwide. The semi-presidential category contains anything but a coherent set of regimes, however. We need to separate between its two subtypes, premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. Following Linz’s argument that presidentialism and semi-presidentialism are less conducive to democracy than parliamentarism a number of studies have empirically analysed the functioning and performance of semi-presidentialism. However, these studies have investigated the performance of semi-presidential subtypes in isolation from other constitutional regimes. By using indicators on regime performance and democracy, the aim of this study is to examine the performance of premier-presidential and president-parliamentary regimes in relation to parliamentarism and presidentialism. Premier-presidential regimes show performance records on a par with parliamentarism and on some measures even better. President-parliamentary regimes, on the contrary, perform worse than all other regime types on most of our included measures. The results of this novel study provide a strong call to constitution makers to stay away from president-parliamentarism as well as against the idea of thinking about semi-presidentialism as a single and coherent type of regime.