转型时期俄罗斯政治制度探析

俄罗斯实行宪政民主制度,要求有一部至高无上的宪法。并在宪法范围内推行民主制度,经过几年的改革,目前俄罗斯宪政制度的框架已基本建立起来。俄罗斯政治制度的最大特点是其过渡性,目前的民主化进程正处于由高度集权政治向民主政治过渡阶段——权威政治的初始阶段,要建立起真正现代意义上的民主政治制度还有漫长的道路要走。     

校园反邪:高校思想政治教育工作的新战场

高校反邪教育是加强和改进大学生思想政治教育的一项重要内容。当前,高校校园正面临邪教组织渗透的潜在威胁,正确认识邪教组织和剖析大学生易感邪教组织原因是抵御邪教组织侵袭的基础。     

高校教师职业压力及调适策略分析

随着我国高等教育改革和教师专业化的发展,高校教师面临着巨大的职业压力。这不仅造成他们心理挫折,对他们工作、生活带来了不良影响,而且影响高等教育的质量和效率。本文通过对高校教师职业压力产生的根源、调适策略的分析,使社会、学校和教师正确认识职业压力,掌握有效的调适策略,增进教师身心健康、提高教师工作绩效。     

长株潭试验区管理机构设置研究

建设长株潭城市群试验区,是国家在新的发展阶段促进中部崛起、推动东中西部地区协调发展的重大战略举措;是湖南形成长远竞争力、培育核心增长极、加快富民强省步伐的重大历史机遇;也是新时期赋予湖南人民的重大历史使命。其间,破解制约科学发展的管理体制机制障碍,科学设置长株潭试验区的管理机构,是加快长株潭试验区建设和发展的关键。为此,文章借鉴国内外城市群(区域)管理的模式和经验,结合长株潭城市群的实际,提出了长株潭试验区管理机构设置的重要前提、基本原则和主要方案。     

Increasing irrationality? The equilibrium relationship between electoral and legislative party system size, 1950–2005

Institutional theories of party system size tell us that voters and parties should anticipate the mechanical effects of electoral systems and adjust their behaviour accordingly. If these expectations hold true, then the size of the party system at the electoral and legislative levels should maintain a long-run equilibrium relationship, as the number of parties receiving votes is adjusted in response to the number of parties in the legislature. I estimate a series of error-correction models to examine this expectation in 16 Western democracies from 1950 to 2005. Party system size at the electoral level does exhibit a general, equilibrium relationship with party system size in the legislature. However, this relationship has recently disappeared in single-member-district systems. This growing disparity between party system size at the electoral and legislative levels signals important changes in the nature of electoral representation.     

Misappropriation of Institutions: Some Lessons from the Environmental Dimension of the NAFTA Investor-State Dispute Settlement Process

Trade regimes at all levels have confronted the dual challenge of rapidly expanding foreign direct investment, and the vigorous growth of international environmental regimes. Attempts to develop a global investment regime have encountered resistance, not least from environmental interests. At the same time, regional trade regimes have sought to address both the environmental and the investment agenda but in a very different manner. This article looks at problems encountered with the investor-state dispute settlement process established by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The institutional dimension of this process is largely drawn from the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and existing international institutions for commercial arbitration. The article traces some of the difficulties encountered in attempting to use institutions designed for a specific purpose and implemented in one organizational context, to achieve a different purpose in another organizational context. It discusses the problems that arise when institutions appropriate for settling commercial disputes between private actors are used as the basis for balancing private interests and public goods, the environment in particular. It highlights the importance of a more developed understanding of the interplay between institutions and organizations at the international level so as to avoid undesired outcomes.     

食品安全危机管理体制中技术机构的法律定位

经济和社会的发展使原有的行政权为单一核心的食品安全危机管理体制开始凸显出不足,真正的多主体管理机制应成为理论和实践的必然选择;作为社会权力重要组成部分的技术机构,在食品安全法律、标准和政策制定过程中,应当扮演证人、鉴定人的角色;在食品科技研发相关法律中,应当被界定为研究的助推力量和应用的制动力量;在日常食品安全监测、评估中,应当作为独立自主、负有社会责任的服务性组织进行社会监督和接受国家权力的监管。     

新阶段国家战略人才力量建设：聚焦高校人才教育

人力资本是支撑我国科技自立自强、高质量发展的核心要素。党的二十大报告再次提出科教兴国战略和人才强国战略,这就要求高校不断提升人才培养的水平。当前我国高校人才培养整体水平依然不高,不仅不能充分满足当前的需要,与未来发展的需要更是存在明显差距。影响我国高校人才培养质量的两大深层问题是高校行政化问题和东亚教育模式问题,前者是造成我国高校人才教育中存在诸多扭曲效应的根源性因素,后者则在很大程度上是制约高校教育高质量发展的社会深层问题。研究建议：我国未来高校人才培养需要树立实用主义导向、创新导向、长期导向、竞合导向、学术—教学均衡分流导向和适度教育导向;采取系统性思维看待高校人才培养问题,根据现代大学的教育理念采取综合措施推动高校等机构去行政化;同时从源头入手,逐步转变应试教育体系,合理设置学科及按照需求动态调整不同学科招生人数,不断深化国际合作。     

Who Liberalizes? Explaining Preferential Trade Liberalization

Despite the growth in research on preferential trade arrangements (PTAs), few studies have systematically explored why some PTAs have been more successful than others at liberalizing trade among members. In this paper I test four hypotheses concerning intra-PTA liberalization: a regional system structure hypothesis, an international institutions hypothesis, a domestic institutions hypothesis, and an economic hypothesis. Although all four types of variables are statistically significant, only international institutions have substantively large effects on intra-PTA liberalization. This suggests that policymakers have considerable latitude to promote integration, as the impact of “choice” variables such as international institutions far outweighs that of “given” factors such as regional system structure or the nature of member economies.     

Institutions,the Illegal Drug Trade,and Participant Strategies: What Corrupt or Pariah States Have In Common with Liberal Democracy and the Rule of Law

Institutions generate incentives that guide behavior, but many analysts and policymakers underestimate the power of institutions to affect behavior by ignoring how distinct strategies work to generate similar outcomes in different institutional contexts. This article uses the illegal trade in psychoactive substances to illustrate how outcomes (the size of the illegal drug market) across very distinct political institutions can be the same because individuals adopt different strategies in their pursuit of the same behavior: to participate in the illegal drug trade. The illegal trade in psychoactive substances represents an understudied and poorly studied issue in international relations. Arguments that focus on the deviant characteristics of governments in the developing world and organized crime to explain the trade are misleading for empirical and methodological reasons. I propose a general argument about the proliferation of the illegal drug trade that accounts for its success in countries struggling with poverty, corruption, terrorism, and pariah leaders, as well as in rich, stable democracies in which the rule of law “reigns.” The article takes factors that are often seen as distinct in explaining the drug trade (e.g., civil rights in liberal democracies and corruption in developing countries) and demonstrates that their explanatory logic represents variations on the same causal variable: the ability to conceal oneself. My insight is that the strategies used to achieve concealment vary by the institutional context in which participants find themselves.