我国仲裁机构现状实证分析

仲裁机构的性质定位是讨论仲裁法修改方案和仲裁机构改革方案时无法回避的问题,该问题的解决离不开对我国仲裁机构现状的准确认识。北京仲裁委员会组织实施的两次全国性问卷调查所获得的数据表明,我国有相当部分仲裁机构在性质定位、人员状况、财政状况以及业务状况四个方面都存在明显的行政化色彩。从“国家与社会”的分析视角来看,造成不同仲裁机构民间化程度存在差异的根本原因在于全国各地国家与社会关系的重构进程不同步。需要利用国家和社会力量促进国家与社会关系在仲裁领域的调整,消除仲裁机构之间的不合理差异,推动仲裁机构的转型。在转型过程中,必须坚持有利于仲裁使用者和增进公共利益的立场。     

高校建立预防和惩治腐败体系的工作思考

高校建立健全惩治和预防腐败体系,避免和减少职务犯罪,必须强化教育功能,使教育在反腐倡廉体系中真正发挥保障作用;强化制度建设,使制度真正成为规范各项行为的准则;强化监督意识,切实搭建高效能、全方位、多渠道、立体化、相互交叉的监督平台。     

Legislative Fragmentation and Government Spending in Presidential Democracies: Bringing Ideological Polarization into the Picture

We claim that, in presidential democracies, the effect of increasing fragmentation on government spending should be conditional on polarization, defined as the ideological distance between the government's party and other parties in Congress. We build a model where this result follows from negotiations between the legislature and an independent government seeking the approval of its initiatives—as in presidential democracies. Using cross‐country data over time, we test the empirical validity of our claim finding that, in presidential democracies, there is indeed a positive effect of fragmentation only when polarization is sufficiently high. The same is not true for parliamentary democracies.     

Investigating the Roots of Civic Morality: Trust, Social Capital, and Institutional Performance

In the last decade considerable research in social sciences has focused on interpersonal trust, treating it as a remedy for most maladies modern democracies suffer from. Yet, if others act dishonestly, trust is turned into gullibility, thus mechanisms linking interpersonal trust with institutional success refer implicitly to honesty and civic morality. This paper investigates the roots of civic morality. It applies hierarchical models to data from 38 countries, and tests the individual, community and structural explanatory factors. The results of the analysis point to the relevance of an institutional dimension, both in the form of individuals’ perceptions as well as the quality of governance: confidence in political institutions and their objective quality are the strongest predictors of civic morality. At the same time, the findings show that the recently popular claims about the importance of social capital for citizens’ moral standards are largely unfounded.

“命案招标”——我国刑侦体制改革的逻辑错位

作为我国刑侦体制改革的一项新成果,"命案招标"的出现赢得了媒体的一片赞扬.然而从我国刑侦体制改革整体呈现的逻辑来看,这项举措或许在伦理价值层面和经济效率层面与其有所背离,进而会损害我国刑侦体制的健康发展.     

Policy Coherence, Global Environmental Governance, and Poverty Reduction

This paper explores linkages between policy coherence, global environmental governance, and poverty reduction. It begins with a few thoughts on what these terms mean, and how they are linked. It then provides some perspectives on how the linkages might be improved over time. The paper takes the view that the most coherent institutional framework for both poverty reduction and environmental protection is likely to be one that is relatively decentralised, and based on a modular (networking) structure. The implication is that this framework should rely mainly on domestic and regional governance institutions, rather than on global ones. Effective management of environmental problems (both national and international) also implies a judicious mix of strong government institutions, smooth-functioning markets, and well-targeted infrastructure investments. The business and labour communities are therefore crucial. Other elements of civil society, notably the NGOs, also have important roles to play. Global environmental governance will have to overcome significant resistance insofar as the interests of the developing countries are concerned. Developing countries will need to be convinced that it is in their best interest to participate in global environmental institutions. The best way of making this case is to link (local) poverty reduction objectives explicitly to (both local and global) environmental protection goals. Bringing greater coherence to international trade, investment, and development co-operation policies could make an important contribution to strengthening these linkages. Investment is particularly important here – in the future, investment governance will likely prove to be more important for poverty reduction than environmental governance. Focusing on global environmental governance will not be enough.     

在高校党建与思想政治教育结合中推进大学生党员先进性教育

在高校党建与思想政治教育结合中推进大学生党员先进性教育意义重大,它是当代大学生所肩负的历史使命的必然要求,是当代大学生健康成长的必然要求,是党和国家对当代大学生殷切期望的必然要求。在推进高校大学生党员先进性教育中,应充分发挥思想政治教育的主渠道作用;应提高发展党员的质量;应加强党员的实践锻炼。     

社区调解、刑事司法与恢复性司法——法律制度的重构

作者通过对社区调解以及其他恢复性司法程序与刑事司法制度的比较,认为应将恢复性司法从刑事司法制度中分离出来,成为独立制度,并最大限度地用恢复性司法解决冲突;恢复性司法应使用当事双方地位平等的民事诉讼程序模式;当恢复性司法未能解决冲突时,应使用民事诉讼而不是刑事诉讼作为后盾进而解决冲突。     

Sanctions and Democracy

How do economic sanctions affect democratization, and should the former be used to promote the latter? Imposing economic pain on large swaths of an already vulnerable population in order to nudge democratic change poses thorny issues. Does it work, in terms of securing democratic outcomes? Even if it did, is this way of achieving change justifiable? We explore the connections between the normative and positive sides of the argument for sanctions in light of theoretical and normative progress in two decades of post-Cold War research on democracy. We argue that some sanctions policies used under specific conditions are more justifiable, but there are other sanctions policies that are less justifiable.     

Legislative Organisation and its Determinants in European Parliamentary Democracies

Questions regarding the origin and evolution of legislative institutions are at the heart of comparative legislative studies. Much research in this area focuses on the US Congress; in contrast, comparative studies of European democracies have been more limited. Addressing this imbalance, this special issue showcases newly emerging research on legislative organisation in Europe. In doing so, it brings together contributions that explore the rationales behind the emergence of, and variation in, national European voting practices, investiture rules, minority rights, committee power, agenda control, debating rules and individual MPs’ rights.