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281.
Yana Lu 《Local Government Studies》2020,46(3):459-482
ABSTRACTThe recent occurrence of several large-scale crises, such as the Wenchuan and Yaan earthquakes, the Gansu mudslides, the Tianjin port blast, and the Funing tornado, has led decision makers in China to increasingly recognise the need to engage non-government organizations (NGOs) in responding to crises. In this study, we establish a framework to analyse collaboration between government and NGOs during crises. This framework consists of four levels for cross-sector collaboration, and six conditions explaining them. The framework is used to analyse a case study on collaboration between local government and NGOs during the Funing tornado. Collaboration occurred at the information sharing and action coordination levels. We conclude the formal collaboration between government and NGOs in this case was still limited and it was not based on negotiations and interactions. Instead, it was essentially hierarchical and control-oriented. This type of collaboration might have the advantage of responding to crises in an effective way, but it comes at the cost of trust, commitment and reciprocity. 相似文献
282.
Larbi Sadiki 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2020,55(2):17-33
ABSTRACT At the core of “disembedded regionalism” in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is an incapacity to foster more representative forms of politics that are responsive to citizens. Instead, elite-to-elite relations are a salient feature that characterises Gulf politics. A radical re-reading of Jürgen Habermas and John Rawls, applied to the GCC in the first two decades of the 21st century, confirms that top-down management of politics is conducive to conflict and disintegration as against integration, marginalising the agenda of multi-level governance within the subregion. Set against the backdrop of the current blockade/crisis, this critical rendition throws into sharp relief the non-democratic brand of GCC regionalism. 相似文献
283.
The field of political marketing has majorly benefited from the use of social media platforms. This has been true both for eastern and western contexts. The primary areas in political marketing that have majorly benefited from the social media usage have been the political leader and the evaluations of the leader by the voters. In the Indian context too, the use of social media techniques has been hailed as the Holy Grail of political marketing. This estimation is quite apposite. Nevertheless, what must not be forgotten is that the complexities of the bonding between political leaders and voters are not only premised primarily on the efficacy of social media techniques but also include other key dimensions. Thus, this article focuses on the importance of credibility as a key dimension. This dimension is inevitable to make social media techniques as effective as they are in political marketing. To substantiate this, we have comprehensively engaged with the fields such as traits of political leaders, crisis management and collaboration. These deliberations have been contextualized to the case of Narendra Modi, the prime minister of India. Further, these deliberations culminate in an effective framework. Academicians and practitioners of political marketing can extensively utilize this framework. 相似文献
284.
刘妍 《陕西行政学院学报》2015,(1):72-77
大量研究表明重大突发事件和自然灾害的发生会对个体心理造成不同程度的伤害,有的甚至绵延几十年甚至伴随终生。我国的心理危机干预工作从新疆克拉玛依火灾事件开始,至今已有二十年,虽然得到了社会的关注,参与者也越来越多,现阶段干预工作中却仍然暴露出无序性、盲目性、重复性、缺乏持续性等问题。我国心理危机干预长效机制的构建,应从法制建设、政府角色、社区服务和人力资源建设等方面形成"政府为主导,社区为基本点"的格局。 相似文献
285.
中国文化安全中的重要要素是汉字安全。汉字安全是指:汉字系统这项中华民族文化的重要载体处于没有危险的,即既没有外部的威胁又没有内部的混乱和疾患的客观状态;在中国国家文化中不失去其主导地位;保持合理的纯洁性;不给人民带来不便和害处;中国人使用汉字的权利不受外部强权的威胁和侵害。目前,汉字在中国媒体以及社会生活各领域中的应用方面存有潜在危机,人们对汉字安全问题的认识存有误区,不重视汉字应用的合理性、纯洁性和规范性,出现了汉字系统的混乱和疾患,给人民生活带来了一定程度的不便和害处,汉字安全的危机由此萌生。中国大众传媒过度使用英文字母缩略词对汉字安全构成外源性的冲击。海峡两岸以及港澳地区汉字字形不统一、中国人书写汉字能力下降以及不雅汉字的滥用,形成对汉字安全的内源性冲击。正视汉字安全的潜在危机,积极应对,维护祖国汉字体系的安全、完整和稳定,对于落实总体国家安全观,保持对自身文化的自信、耐力和定力,提升文化软实力,都具有极其重要的意义。 相似文献
286.
法律职业的危机与出路——评Rhode的《为了正义:重整法律职业》 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
该书评总结了美国法律职业面临的重重危机 ,例如“法律商业主义”盛行 ,职业伦理沦丧和行业规制的欠缺等 ;提出在职业改革、法律教育、法律消费和公众参与诸方面的改革方案 ;并对我国法律职业研究现状进行反思。 相似文献
287.
Omar Sanchez 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2005,24(4):454-475
This article provides an analysis of the political and socioeconomic context of the April 2003 presidential elections, focusing particularly on the campaign platforms of candidates, the outcome of the first round and the election's consequences for the party system. The election's results were far reaching in many respects. Argentina's longstanding two-party system came to an end with the virtual vanishing of the Radical party (UCR) at the national level. An evolved political culture resulted in new, more rigorous criteria for the selection of candidates. Finally, new political parties (MNR and ARI) emerged that could conceivably improve the quality of democratic governance in the future. In short, the 2001–2002 crisis fostered a significant degree of political renewal. Contrary to some predictions, however, the societal rejection of political parties did not result in either the complete demolition of the party system or the wholesale renovation of the political class. In particular, the Peronist party showcased its staying power and uncanny ability to adapt to new political environments. 相似文献
288.
乡镇债务问题,是我国社会转型、经济转轨时期出现的一个特殊现象,也是目前振兴东北进程中必须要正视的一个现实问题。日益严重的乡镇债务,已经成为东北振兴进程中不可逾越的重要障碍。东北地区乡镇债务问题的产生源于乡镇支出规模的压缩存在限度、乡镇收入的增长空间不够充足、乡镇体制框架的制约、债务偿还制度与动力的缺失等。要解决乡镇债务问题,必须采取近期操作性对策和长期根本性路径的有机结合的方式。 相似文献
289.
崔兰琴 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2021,35(2):47-61
夫妻共同债务认定的司法乱象丛生,在于财产契约属性的民商事规则取代共同生活的婚姻纠纷考量规则的价值取向偏差,突破了合同相对性而过度保护债权,亟待以夫妻共同债务认定标准的中西法传统比较为镜鉴,正本溯源。夫妻共同债务中所借债务为了婚姻关系符合伦理和法理正当目的的属性不同,由此形成特色迥异的认定原则。我国同居共财的吸收原则,迥异于罗马法基于意识自治的分离原则,相互交汇于共同生活的统摄原则。吸收原则很难内生性进化发展,但有利于婚姻关系共同体的稳定,而分离原则易于矫枉过正,治理成本极大,却尊重个人独立。故惟有以致中和的夫妻债务认定理念来构建防范债权风险的制度,并落实在救济弱者的司法裁量中,方能解决夫妻共同债务认定标准的根源问题。 相似文献
290.
柯心 《山西省政法管理干部学院学报》2013,(3):130-132
在金融市场发展迅速的今天,传统的消费保护理念与制度没有为金融消费者权益提供充分的保障。次贷危机前后美国金融消费者保护格局发生了根本变化,参考美国的做法,我国应确立金融消费者保护是金融监管的目标,确立宏观审慎为金融监管的原则,并针对我国金融法律法规在消费者权益保护方面的不足,完善金融法并加强金融监管。 相似文献