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371.
正确处理民族宗教问题全力维护民族地区稳定 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
蔚振忠 《中国人民公安大学学报(社会科学版)》2001,(1):7-10
甘肃是一个多民族、多宗教的省份。民族宗教领域存在的问题是人民内部矛盾 ,在一定条件下也有可能被利用而转化为对抗性的矛盾 ,影响社会政治稳定。甘肃省公安机关始终坚持把民族宗教领域作为维护社会政治稳定的重点工作 ,充分发挥职能作用。对因民族宗教问题引发的群体性事件 ,坚持把握时机 ,讲究策略 ,果断坚决 ,迅速稳妥处置 相似文献
372.
L Meng 《湖北警官学院学报》2001,(2)
本文通过对武汉市建国以来社会治安状况的分析,说明社会政治、经济、文化等因素的发展变化直接影响到社会治安状况,社会治安状况是社会各种综合关系的外在反映;犯罪是与社会物质文化生活的条件相联系的。因此,用发展的眼光分析社会治安状况,可有效地消除人们对社会治安状况的恐慌感和失望症并找出综合治理治安状况的有效方法。 相似文献
373.
严励 《上海政法学院学报》2001,16(6):4-8
稳定是西部大开发战略的基础和保障.西部地区基础薄弱,贫困人口多,多民族聚居,宗教情况复杂,又是西方敌对势力政治渗透和制造不安定因素的重点区域,社会稳定非常重要.正确处理改革、发展、稳定三者关系,要树立全局稳定观、辩证稳定观和科学稳定观,着重抓好抵制西方敌对势力的破坏和渗透,妥善处理民族问题、宗教问题. 相似文献
374.
城乡居民收入分配现状及其对策的思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
建国以来 ,我党一直在为提高人民的生活水平而努力 ,其中有很多宝贵的经验和深刻的教训 ,特别是 1978年改革开放以来 ,我国居民个人收入总量急剧增加。然而 ,居民收入分配差距也在不断扩大。本文列举了居民收入分配差距不断拉大的几种主要原因 ,并且根据我国收入差距演变的情况 ,提出了适合我国国情的对策 ,以求实现缩小居民收入差距 ,达到共同富裕的目的。 相似文献
375.
陈曙光 《江西公安专科学校学报》2001,(4):29-31
当前,家庭暴力已经严重危害到家庭幸福和社会稳定,成为影响家庭生活质量和社会治安秩序的一个重大社会问题。从历史和现状、社会和家庭、法制要求和家庭成员法律知识水平、个人反抗家庭暴力和社会救助体系方面研究家庭暴力的现状、形成原因及反对家庭暴力的对策,是预防家庭暴力、建设社会主义精神文明、建设文明社区环境和维护社会稳定的重要内容。 相似文献
376.
影响西部地区农村社会稳定的主要问题和原因分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
当前,我国正处在体制转换和社会转型的关键时期,也是各种社会问题和矛盾的高发期,认真分析西部地区农村社会的稳定问题,准确把握产生问题的原因,是妥善解决好这些问题,实现全面建设小康社会的任务和构建社会主义和谐社会的前提条件。 相似文献
377.
Siew Mun Tang 《Contemporary Politics》2015,21(1):40-52
Economic security is one of the primary dimensions of human security and is closely associated with poverty and related issues. This article takes a non-economic view of economic security and argues that the concept may lose its policy traction and relevance if it continues to be narrowly defined as and associated with poverty per se. If the concept is to continue to be useful to policy-makers and analysts, it needs to champion and embrace issues and concerns beyond poverty and consider the emergent threats affecting the non-poor. It argues, by way of several highlighted examples, that the concept is sufficiently dynamic to capture and incorporate other pervasive threats to the well-being of the people. It also points out that understanding the political impact and influence of economic security is just as important as studying the economic dynamics. 相似文献
378.
Benjamin J. Cohen 《Contemporary Politics》2015,21(2):220-230
Europe's Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) has been struck by one financial crisis after another. Yes despite many bold new initiatives, instability and uncertainty persist. Why can't Europe save itself? The answer, this chapter argues, lies in a structural failure. EMU lacks a credible mechanism to cope with the threat of imbalances within the group – a framework to manage the European region's internal payments problems. The challenge was foreseen from the beginning. How could a regional monetary union manage the risk of fiscal imbalances among its members? Europe might have turned to the USA for inspiration. For analytical purposes, the USA too can be considered as a regional monetary union comparable to EMU, facing the same fundamental challenge. America's solution was to create a permanent ‘transfer union’, featuring more or less automatic flows of funds through the federal budget at the centre. But European policy-makers chose otherwise, for reasons that go to the very heart of their ongoing integration project. EMU is a league of sovereign states, each determined to retain for itself as many rights and privileges as possible. In such a structure, a permanent transfer union never had a chance; and since no adequate substitute has yet been found, Europe is forced to pay a high price in terms of instability and lost growth. 相似文献
379.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):348-374
Despite the abundance of research on the consequences of foreign military intervention for target countries, scant research has been devoted to the possible regional externalities of intervention. This article examines whether large-scale armed operations affect the likelihood of civil conflict onset in countries neighboring the target of intervention. We posit that interventions against the target regime reduce the government's ability to maintain full control over the entire national territory by diminishing its coercive and administrative capacity. This might, in turn, result in safe haven possibilities for neighboring rival groups in the target and facilitate the transnational spread of arms and other illicit activities that increase the risk of civil conflict onset in the contiguous countries. Armed interventions supportive or neutral toward the target state, on the other hand, bolster the government's coercive capacity and mitigate ongoing crises in the target. Such armed intrusions might therefore undermine the likelihood of internal armed conflict in neighboring countries triggered by the factors associated with “bad neighborhoods”: safe haven possibilities, transnational spread of arms, and refugee flows. To substantiate these claims, we use time-series, cross-national data for the 1951–2004 period. Results indicate that hostile interventions increase the probability of civil conflict onset in connected countries while supportive interventions have a regional pacifying effect, reducing the likelihood of domestic unrest in countries neighboring the target state. Neutral interventions, on the other hand, are unlikely to have any discernible effect on regional stability. Further, the primary motive of intervention, whether for humanitarian or other purposes, has no statistically significant impact on the stability of neighboring countries. 相似文献
380.
黄仁夫 《贵阳市委党校学报》2010,(1):46-48
当前,我国群体性事件进入高发期,较为严重地影响了社会稳定及社会生活的正常秩序。各级政府必须在认真分析诱发群体性事件的原因基础上,重视处置策略,建立处置机制,采取有效措施,及时、妥善地处理好群体性突发事件。 相似文献