Dialectics of industrialization in Indonesia

This essay investigates how the degeneration of state socialist regimes and the transition to market-Leninist political economies in China and Vietnam have shaped institutional arrangements governing welfare and its stratification effects. Engaging recent theoretical literature one welfare regimes, the article explores how the evolution of specific combinations of political and economic institutions in China and Vietnam has affected the production and reproduction of welfare and stratification. The common assumption that welfare regimes reflect the structured interests of dominant political and economic actors and thus serve to reproduce that regime is found to invite an excessively static perspective. Instead this essay argues that welfare regimes and stratification in contemporary China and Vietnam require an appreciation of their properties under state-socialism and how specific paths of extrication affected their degeneration and subsequent development under a new form of political economy. The essay also probes the significance of observed differences in China and Vietnam’s political structure in light of suggestions that Vietnam’s more pluralistic political system has made its welfare regime more redistributive than China’s. An alternative perspective suggests China’s wealth obviates the significance of such differences.     

我国刑罚体系改革的现代化坐标：以检视主附加刑模式为支点

刑罚体系改革是刑罚制度改革的基点与核心。主附加刑模式存在诸多缺陷。应根据犯罪分层理论建立以自由刑和财产刑为主的轻重自然人刑罚体系。独立的法人犯罪刑罚体系可以参照自然人刑罚体系规定刑种及轻重。应发挥广义保安处分制度的整合性机能,与改革后的传统刑罚体系融合为二元刑罚制裁体系。     

马克思主义阶层理论的历史演进

马克思和恩格斯是社会分层理论的重要奠基人,列宁在社会主义革命和建设实践基础上推动了马克思主义阶级和阶层理论的发展,毛泽东把马克思主义的阶级理论与中国革命和建设的实际相结合,对中国社会阶级结构及其变化进行了正确的分析。在建设中国特色社会主义事业的新时期,中国共产党结合当代中国阶层变化的客观实际发展了马克思主义阶层理论。     

我国农民群体的分化及其走向

改革开放以来 ,农民群体的分化不仅表现为职业上的多元化 ,而且在农民群体的阶层变化中还出现了一些质的分化。当前 ,由于多方面的条件制约 ,农民群体的变化与发展仍然存在诸多困难     

The status stratification of radical right support: Reconsidering the occupational profile of UKIP’s electorate

Drawing on Weber’s conceptualisation of class and status as distinct principles of social order, this article argues that support for the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) is better understood as a status-based phenomenon than a class-based one. Operationalising status as a function of social distance between occupational groups, we show that whilst class was a poor predictor of UKIP support in 2015, status scores were strongly and negatively correlated to the likelihood of supporting UKIP. The opposite is true for the Conservatives’ and the Labour Party’s electorates, which were still much more strongly aligned on class lines. The effect of status on UKIP preference remains strong after controlling for educational qualifications, suggesting that the status scale taps into a deeper divide than simply an educational cleavage. Moreover, we find that status plays a similar role in predicting the likelihood of voting for right-wing populist parties (RPPs) in other Western European countries as well.     

One of all the others – a life course study of scouts,social capital,and stratification in the Swedish ‘Folkhem’

This longitudinal study shows that scouts have higher incomes than others 14 years after their participation when controlling for social background, sex, and individual cognitive tests. But scouting has no significant effects on future criminality. Social exclusion and criminal behaviour are so marginal that they require more specific types of explanations. The results can be interpreted as signs that taking part in scouts significantly contributes as a step in the social pathway to the upper classes of society. By supporting scouting, the welfare state seems not to prevent problem behaviour but runs the risk of contributing to social stratification.     

阶层分化视域的马克思主义大众化

社会阶层分化对马克思主义大众化带来了严峻挑战。主要表现在各阶层经济差距与马克思主义目标导向的反差,不同阶层政治参与差异与马克思主义民主价值的背离,阶层之间的矛盾与以马克思主义为指导的社会主义和谐社会理论的碰撞等方面。在阶层分化情况下实现马克思主义大众化需要从四个方面入手：一是坚持马克思主义与时俱进的理论品质,不断实现理论创新;二是坚持中国共产党在马克思主义大众化过程中的主导地位;三是运用阶层分析法,实现马克思主义在各阶层的通俗化,增强马克思主义大众化的针对性;四是抓住构建社会主义和谐社会的历史契机,将解决社会民生问题作为实现马克思主义大众化的突破口。     

性别分层的法律蕴涵

性别不平等、性别歧视、女人的"隐而不见性",都深深地根植于社会结构之中,深受财富、威望和权力之影响。当社会发生变化之时,一切都在改变。人类的性包含了很多社会、文化、历史因素的,性正是被这些因素所构建、所塑就的。自宋至清,无论是寡妇、女儿还是妾的财产继承权都不可和男子的继承权相提并论、同日而语,这俨然是性别在财产方面的一种分层。性别暴力是一种男性支配的表现,不是天生的性欲,当一个文化贬抑"女性化"特质时,男性就会借由性别暴力和其他形式的支配来贬抑女性。性法律是性分层和性迫害最强有力的根据。因此,性别在法律上得以分层,并成为性别不平等、性别压迫的来源、媒介甚至工具,尽管这种分层是不完全的。     

国有企业职工的内部分化及其利益关系

国有企业内部不同职工群体,利益存在差异。非工资性收入、要素参与分配强化了内部分化,经营者群体与弱势(困难)职工群体成为分化的两极。易导致分化矛盾的是收入差距的过分悬殊、灰色或黑色收入造成的收入差距、经营者无业绩前提下的收入差距、经营者与普通职工收入的逆向分化、企业转制中非规范操作形成的财富差距。企业内部的利益差异要控制在合理的限度内,利益整合要立足中间调控两端,扩大企业内部中等收入者比重,工会在利益关系整合中要发挥应有的作用。     

Ideological stratification: American beliefs about economic justice

By integrating systematically the common themes in the stratification and justice literatures, researchers have sought to advance our understanding of the role of ideologies in legitimating inequality. This paper examines how beliefs about meritocracy and opportunity in American society relate to the way people think about reducing income differences between the rich and the poor. Using a national sample of U.S. adults (N=1473), we find that the majority of the respondents believe that America has an open system where achievement is tied to individual abilities and educational opportunities. On the other hand the respondents are split in their views on meritocracy, with 50% believing that an individual's high socioeconomic position is reflective of special abilities. The role of ideologies in influencing beliefs about economic justice is direct in that persons who believe in the tenets of equal opportunity and meritocracy are not in favor of reducing income differences between the rich and the poor. Additionally, stratal differences in beliefs about economic justice are seen, with disadvantaged individuals more likely to question the legitimacy of inequality.