试谈公安院校图书馆教育管理职能

信息资源服务，是高校图书馆的基本职能。公安院校图书馆也具备一般高校图书馆的职能，同时在培养警务人才的过程中还发挥着引导学习、辅助教学、培养素质、塑造品格等重要作用。公安院校应认识到图书馆对于读者教育管理的重要意义，并努力借助警务化管理的特色，将学生读者的教育与管理职能落到实处。     

高校校规的违宪审查问题

我国高校虽然不具有行政机关的资格 ,但法律赋予它行使一定的行政管理权 ,所以 ,我国高校校规是一种自治规章 ,属于抽象行政行为。大学生是国家的普通公民 ,享有宪法规定的权利 ,但现行司法体制在处理高校校规侵犯大学生宪法权利的行为时存在许多缺憾。为使高校管理法治化 ,高校校规必须接受违宪审查。法院在审查校规合宪性时应遵循一些原则 ,诸如法层级效力规则、校规合宪性推定规则、禁止歧视对等规则等     

学生党支部作用发挥路径探析

高校党支部是高校思想政治工作的重要阵地。本文就高校学生党支部实际工作中出现的问题,探析如何在新形势下与时俱进、多渠道、有效地发挥学生党支部的战斗堡垒作用,努力实现高效学生党支部工作的新发展、新突破。     

和谐社会视野中大学生和谐政治心态的培育

在倡导人与自然、人与社会、人与人、人与自身心灵和谐的社会大背景下，大学生中的政治沉默、理性主义等政治心态，是其中的不和谐之音。贯彻以人为本的基本理念，寻找思想政治教育的合理路径，才能培育大学生的和谐政治心态。     

新时期民主政治中表达权研究

表达权既是个人自我价值实现的途径，也是实现人民自治的民主政治的重要手段。人的一切权利正是从表达权开始的。研究新时期民主政治中表达权，必须从表达权的内涵、理论渊源、实现形式、意义等方面入手，系统研究其来龙去脉，以推进民主政治和谐建设。     

民主政治：和谐社会的政治基石

民主政治作为一种政治体制,构成社会政治的骨架和心脏,对社会发展起着组织、管理和控制作用,通过权力和政策的方式来实现不同利益之间的整合、妥协、平衡。因此,民主政治奠定了和谐社会的政治基石。     

Why Right‐Leaning Populism has Grown in the Most Advanced Liberal Democracies of Europe

Immigration and new class divisions, combined with a growing anti‐elitism and political correctness, are often used as explanations for the strong gains for right‐leaning populist parties in national elections across Europe in recent years. But contrary to what we might assume, such parties have been very successful in the most developed and comprehensive welfare states, in nations—such as the Nordic countries—with the best scores on economic equality and social inclusion and long established political and judicial institutions enjoying a high degree of popular legitimacy. As argued in this article, this seems to happen because a duopoly of the centre‐left and centre‐right political establishment has kept issues such as immigration and new class divisions off the public agenda and hence paved the way for right‐leaning ‘disruptor’ populist parties with an anti‐immigration agenda in times of increasing immigration.     

Brexit,Fisheries and Scottish Devolution: An Intergovernmental Disruption

With the UK set to leave the EU, the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) will no longer apply and an alternative legislative framework will need to be put in place, simultaneously navigating the devolved settlement. However, aspects of fisheries management fall under the area of international negotiation which is reserved to the UK government. Disagreements between the UK and Scottish governments over where the line between devolved and reserved lies in this matter has led to difficulties in formulating a post‐Brexit fisheries framework. This dispute has exposed weaknesses in relations between the two governments.     

‘Austria First’ revisited: a diachronic cross-sectional analysis of the gender and body politics of the extreme right

ABSTRACT

In this paper, Rheindorf and Wodak provide a discourse-historical analysis of extreme-right cultural politics in Austria, ranging from the blatant racism in the speeches of Vienna’s former Deputy Mayor Johann Gudenus (now MP in the Austrian parliament) to the construction of an idealized national body in the election campaigns of the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), its programmatic agenda in handbooks and pamphlets, and the performances of far-right pop singer Andreas Gabalier. Rheindorf and Wodak argue that such cultural politics use a wide spectrum of discursive strategies both inside and outside established party politics and that the accompanying production of an ideal extreme-right subject is informed by nativist ideology. The cross-sectional analysis demonstrates that the cultural politics of the Austrian extreme right ranges from appropriated national symbols to coded National Socialist iconography. These politics pervasively construct a gendered and racialized national body, policed by a ‘strict father’ and nurtured by a ‘self-sacrificing mother’, vis-à-vis an apocalyptic threat scenario identified with migration, intellectual and political elites, cosmopolitanism and progressive gender politics.     

Two strategies for building a personal vote: Personalized representation in the UK and Denmark

Across parliamentary democracies, elected representatives constitute the link between citizens and government. MPs can connect with voters via the party label, or through personalized forms of representation, which is seen to be increasing in importance. However, scholars disagree on what explains variation in MPs' use of personalized representation strategies. In this article, we argue that politicians use different strategies to personalize the link between themselves and citizens: a constituency-oriented and a person-oriented strategy. To test our argument, we develop a new and novel dataset with behavioral measures of personalized representation. Using a content analyses of 698 British and Danish MPs’ personal websites, we demonstrate that the use of personalization strategies is conditional on the incentives MPs face in terms of electoral insecurity, candidate selection procedures, and the electoral context of the system. Our findings show that the level and type of personalized politics vary across political systems and may pose different types of challenges to party democracies.