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171.
In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on New York City and Washington, D.C. on September 11, 2001, U.S. government and military leaders often articulated distinctly pro-American themes in their public communications. We argue that this national identity discourse was at the heart of the U.S. government's attempt to unite the American public and to mobilize support for the ensuing "war on terrorism." With this perspective, we content analyzed Time and Newsweek newsmagazines for the five weeks following September 11 to identify potential communication strategies employed by government and military leaders to promote a sense of U.S. national identity. Findings suggest (a) that government and military officials consistently emphasized American core values and themes of U.S. strength and power while simultaneously demonizing the "enemy," and (b) that journalists closely paralleled these nationalist themes in their language. 相似文献
172.
2012年3月14日通过的刑诉法修正案将强制措施作为一项主要内容进行了全面修改。这些调整与变化对公安工作的影响是重大的、直接的、现实的,本文仅就修正案对强制措施的修改及对公安侦查工作的影响进行一一论述。 相似文献
173.
《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(8-9):577-596
Abstract Local governance arrangements shape the incentives of local actors, which may in turn influence fiscal choices. By emphasizing the role of local government institutions in local fiscal choices, we seek to bridge between median voter and Leviathan models prevalent in the literature. We then offer some preliminary evidence to support this explanation by empirically testing several propositions regarding the flypaper effect in intergovernmental grants. One limitation of the median voter model is that the model does not consider political institutions and their influences on government expenditures. In this study, we attempt to capture the influence of political dynamics in determining public expenditures by considering institutional variables. Test results show that the political institutional variables could be one of the explanation variables for the flypaper effect. 相似文献
174.
AbstractHow extensively local politicians use online media to communicate with others and the factors that influence their online activities have rarely been examined. In particular, it is unknown whether local politicians use online media more extensively when they believe that online media has a strong political influence on others. To examine this, a standardised survey among German local politicians was conducted (n = 608). The results showed the following: The stronger the politicians perceive the influence of facebook and Twitter on journalists to be, the more extensively they spread information via these social media networks. However, the presumed influences on the public or on other politicians do not affect those online activities. Thus, local politicians apparently do not pursue a disintermediation strategy – they do not try to bypass journalism by directly addressing the public. Rather, journalists seem to be an important target group for local politicians’ online communication efforts. 相似文献
175.
In this paper, we argue that the occurrence of electoral manipulation in Russia has been driven, in part, by diffusion across neighboring raions through emulation, incentives, and networks. Presumably, in Putin’s Russia all local authorities have some incentives to deliver a high number of votes to United Russia, the “party of power”. However, the perceived pressure to deliver ever higher levels of support for Putin’s party arguably increases considerably if one’s raion is located in a region marked by extraordinarily high turnout and high vote share for United Russia. Conversely, the absence of perceived competition to curry executive favor through delivering votes and networks of uncorrupted local authorities, as well as local opposition organizations working to combat electoral fraud, may help explain the absence of fraud among raions located in regions marked by clean elections. Our quantitative analyses suggest that a “neighborhood effect” – the existence of manipulated raions within a region – strongly influences the likelihood that raions are manipulated. Moreover, although results are more mixed, spatial autocorrelation analysis suggests that turnout levels in raions are influenced by the turnout in proximate raions. 相似文献
176.
刘利敏 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2014,(6):112-115
在教学过程中,一名大学思政课老师应当针对教学对象特点真正把学生当作教学主体,用理论掌握学生,创新教学方式,开创第二课堂,说理透彻,以理服人,以身作则,紧扣社会热点,贴近学生实际,取得了良好的教学效果。为了进一步提升思政课的教学效果,思政课教学要树立正确的教育目的,思政课老师要着重培养学生的独立思考能力和独立人格,注重启发教育,改革考试内容和形式,加强实践环节教学。 相似文献
177.
评估/评价问题始终是现当代监狱发展的重要领域之一。没有对于矫正对象在刑事干预前后的准确评估/评价,我们根本不可能获得"何为有效"的重要信息。在现代统计科学、信息科学和实证主义的影响下,罪犯评估问题、社区矫正对象以及其他矫正对象的评估/评价一直是确保相关实务工作科学高效运作的基础。在循证矫正的构建和推行中,有必要明确评估/评价理论和机制的地位作用,以达到对矫正干预措施和矫正机制运作状况的充分了解,从而在符合"评估相关过程与业务"的原则下有序开展矫正实践工作。 相似文献
178.
DOMINIK SCHRAFF 《European Journal of Political Research》2021,60(4):1007-1017
How can we explain the rise in diffuse political support during the Covid-19 pandemic? Recent research has argued that the lockdown measures generated political support. In contrast, I argue that the intensity of the pandemic rallied people around political institutions. Collective angst in the face of exponentially rising Covid-19 cases depresses the usual cognitive evaluations of institutions and leads citizens to rally around existing intuitions as a lifebuoy. Using a representative Dutch household survey conducted over March 2020, I compare the lockdown effect to the dynamic of the pandemic. I find that the lockdown effect is driven by pre-existing time trends. Accounting for non-linearities in time makes the lockdown effect disappear. In contrast, more flexible modelling techniques reveal a robust effect of Covid-19 infections on political trust. In line with an anxiety effect, I find that standard determinants of political trust – such as economic evaluations and social trust – lose explanatory power as the pandemic spreads. This speaks to an emotionally driven rally effect that pushes cognitive evaluations to the background. 相似文献
179.
We examine the Laffer effects of the policy of social security tax reduction cum partial deregulation of labour market undertaken
in Italy in the period 1997–2001. Laffer effects of tax cut are generally delayed and governments responsible of the reform
cannot benefit from the resulting increased revenues when in office. Our empirical findings show that tax cuts combined with
policies of liberalization determine almost immediate Laffer effects. In terms of coherent supply-side political programs,
the effects of the two measures are not separable. Reflection on our results may broaden the scope of the supply-side policies
of deregulation and detaxation.
相似文献
Francesco ForteEmail: |
180.