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71.
Lawrence P. Markowitz 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(2):342-358
It is often noted in resource curse literature that agricultural economies are less conflict-prone than countries managing mobile, high-value resources. In the vast literature linking resource endowment and conflict, cash crop economies are often considered immune to civil violence, believed to stand apart from the many horrific episodes of violence and civil war centered on “lootable” wealth (such as alluvial diamonds, tin, tungsten, or other conflict minerals). But many incidents of violence—especially local violence—are in fact occurring in cash crop economies. Drawing on newspaper accounts, policy analyses, ethnographic interviews, and in-depth reports by international organizations, I examine an episode of local violence in 2010 in Kyrgyzstan. Through this case study, the article provides a better understanding of local violence in cash crop economies that can apply to other weak states. 相似文献
72.
Hans-Peter van den Broek 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(1):119-136
This article focuses on the role of labelling in the discourse employed by the Left-Wing Nationalist movement in the Basque Country to legitimize the use of violence for political ends. The approach in this article goes beyond classic labelling theory. I demonstrate that radical Nationalists do not passively undergo their being labelled as deviants (fanatics, terrorists) by society, but develop counter-labels instead to define their opponents and re-label themselves. 相似文献
73.
Mariz Tadros 《冲突、安全与发展》2017,17(3):265-286
AbstractWhile there is a copious body of literature explaining Egypt’s political trajectory post-Mubarak through the lens of democratisation and transition theory, this paper argues that by using a political settlements lens, a less linear reading of the events can be offered, which highlights several attempts through both peaceful and violent means of arriving at negotiated agreements. The paper analyses the forging of three political settlements, one informal (2011) and two formal (2012, 2013) following the demise of the Mubarak regime in Egypt and the influence of intrinsic, instrumental and resultant violence on power configurations. It argues that the formal political settlement forged in Egypt in 2013 following the ousting of President Morsi cannot be read independently of the exclusionary outcomes of the informal political settlement forged in 2011 and the demise of the Fairmont Agreement of 2012. The paper relies on empirical data, including survey and focus groups undertaken in 2013–2014, complemented with secondary literature in Arabic and English. 相似文献
74.
Nkwachukwu Orji 《Democratization》2017,24(4):707-723
Prior to the 2015 Nigerian general elections, there were concerns that the fierce political contest would lead to electoral violence in the country. However, the elections were conducted peacefully, with fewer disputes and election-related deaths than previous elections. This study accounts for the fall in the level of electoral violence in Nigeria and discusses the lessons that Nigeria’s experience presents. It argues that the avoidance of destructive electoral disputes in Nigeria was the result of preventive action taken by the country’s electoral commission, civil society groups, and development partners. The specific preventive actions taken include innovations in election administration aimed at enhancing electoral transparency and credibility, election security measures such as early warning and peace messaging, and preventive diplomacy urging the main candidates and the political elite to embrace peace. The key lesson that can be drawn from Nigeria’s experience is that a well thought out conflict prevention strategy should be an integral part of electoral governance, especially in countries with a high risk of electoral violence. 相似文献
75.
Imanol Murua 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2017,10(1):93-114
The Basque separatist organisation ETA laid down its arms in 2011 after 40 years of an armed campaign for independence. It was not a consequence of political negotiations. The Basque group did not achieve its goals. Yet, it unilaterally decided to end its armed activity forever. This article analyses why and how ETA ended its armed campaign. It clarifies the events from the collapse of the last peace process in June 2007 to the announcement of the definitive end of ETA’s campaign in October 2011. It identifies the causal factors that led the Basque group towards its end. This article contends that the end of ETA’s campaign is a case of transformation triggered by its constituency’s withdrawal of support for the armed struggle. The leadership and social base of the political movement to which ETA belongs concluded that political violence was not effective anymore and, furthermore, was damaging for the Basque pro-independence movement. After an internal struggle, in which the faction advocating for exclusively political means prevailed, ETA was driven towards a unilateral abandonment of armed struggle. 相似文献
76.
家庭是社会的细胞,构建和谐家庭是构建和谐社会的基础。但在当前中国,许多家庭中男女两性并未达到真正的平等与和谐。男性对女性的家庭暴力及其所引发的女性犯罪就是这种两性冲突的极端反映。制止家庭暴力、预防女性犯罪、建构和谐家庭,是我们成功建构和谐社会的基石。 相似文献
77.
随着社会的进一步发展,文化中的"异质"——暴力文化,在商业性舆论导向以及整个社会对之炒作的情势下,似有愈演愈烈之势。这对处于文化需求高峰期、经验不足、辨别是非和抵制消极影响能力差的青少年产生了极为不良的影响,受暴力文化影响而发生的悲剧屡见不鲜。这就需要全社会通力合作,形成预防暴力文化侵蚀青少年的安全网,从多个渠道、多个方面对此问题予以解决。 相似文献
78.
A growing body of research has linked exposure to violence to violent behavior, but few studies have examined the impact of the timing of exposure to violence on violent behavior among inner city, minority youth. Theoretical insights derived from developmental psychology and psychopathology (DPP) and Agnew’s general strain theory (GST) give contrasting accounts of whether exposure to violence has a short term or long term impact on violent behavior. Five waves of data collected from African American youth living in twelve high poverty inner city neighborhoods was used to examine how the timing of exposure to violence over a four year time period impacts year five violent behavior. Multivariate results support GST’s contention that more proximal exposure to violence has a larger impact on violent behavior. The theoretical and practical implications of the findings for adolescent development in high poverty settings are discussed.
相似文献
Richard SpanoEmail: |
79.
李琳 《四川警官高等专科学校学报》2006,18(6):80-84
近年来,暴力袭警已经成为危及公安民警生命安全的重要因素。暴力袭警的根本原因在于社会矛盾激化的不利后果的转移和国家权力、警察权和公民权之间关系的失衡。针对这些原因,阻止暴力袭警事件频繁发生的突破口和根本出路是采取措施缓和社会矛盾和平衡国家权力、警察权与公民权之间的关系。 相似文献
80.
暴力袭警:警察权威弱化的危险信号——从社会秩序结构谈暴力袭警产生的深层原因及对策 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
李怀泽 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2006,18(5):60-63,73
近年来,暴力袭警案件频繁发生,而且并未得到有效的遏制。暴力袭警的根本原因是警察权威的弱化。因此,解决暴力袭警问题的根本对策是警察权威的重新构筑和强化。分析警察权威,必须从社会秩序结构入手,搞清警察权威、治安规则和警察客体三者之间的内在联系。 相似文献