全文获取类型
收费全文 | 133篇 |
免费 | 4篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 8篇 |
工人农民 | 1篇 |
世界政治 | 5篇 |
外交国际关系 | 7篇 |
法律 | 16篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 82篇 |
综合类 | 14篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 10篇 |
2019年 | 13篇 |
2018年 | 10篇 |
2017年 | 7篇 |
2016年 | 7篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2014年 | 7篇 |
2013年 | 18篇 |
2012年 | 11篇 |
2011年 | 8篇 |
2010年 | 7篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 5篇 |
2007年 | 3篇 |
2006年 | 4篇 |
2005年 | 3篇 |
2004年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有137条查询结果,搜索用时 93 毫秒
131.
党委票决制的理性透视 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
党委票决制是当前一些地方正在大力试点的党委决策模式和制度设计。文章结合试点地区的经验,对票决制的内涵、票决制的运作、票决制的配套制度建设、票决制的价值意义、票决制运行中的困境等问题进行了概括分析,以期为当前深入推进的党委票决制提供理论和方法论支持。 相似文献
132.
Cristina Escobar 《Democratization》2015,22(5):927-950
In order to explain non-citizen enfranchisement in Latin America, this article takes into account three dimensions: domestic (citizenship tradition, immigration levels, internal politics), global (international and bilateral agreements, human rights discourse) and regional (common markets, diffusion, geopolitics). The article identifies two main modalities: from the early twentieth century to the 1980s, when democracy was not a necessary condition and when national factors prevailed. Starting in the 1990s, democratization in Latin America has brought a new wave of non-citizen enfranchisement, this time with more influence of global and regional factors and, in various cases, in connection with external voting rights. 相似文献
133.
Aleksandra Maatsch 《West European politics》2016,39(4):648-666
The article examines the factors that determined the attitude of parliamentary parties towards eurozone anti-crisis measures. Using a statistical logit model, it demonstrates that, while all governing parties supported such measures, opposition parties were divided. The support of the former is explicable in terms of international obligations. The positions of opposition parties reflected their attitude towards European integration: Eurosceptic parties tended to oppose anti-crisis measures. Furthermore, whereas negative votes were less likely in countries marked by higher levels of popular trust in government and satisfaction with the problem-solving capacity of the EU, the likelihood of no votes increased as a function of the level of trust in national parliaments. The policy preferences of opposition parties, measured on the economic left–right scale, did not provide significant explanatory potential; nor did an additional test measuring the impact of extreme left?right positions. 相似文献
134.
The interface between politicians and the electorate is a vital component of the infrastructure of democracy and politicians now have many more tools available to communicate and engage with the electorate. Direct contact between politicians and the electorate is associated with increased levels of civic engagement. In this article, we examine the responsiveness of politicians in the UK by conducting: (i) an innovative test of responses to an undecided voter's email and (ii) follow-up interviews with electoral candidates. We found that a majority of electoral candidates had an identifiable email address and more than half responded to our undecided voter's email. However, there were considerable differences in the content relevance of the responses. There were also very few follow-up emails or further contact from the electoral candidates, suggesting only limited evidence of an integrated communication strategy. Electoral candidates also expressed concerns about communicating in a way that was ‘on record’. The findings provide a unique insight into the dynamics of communication between politicians and the electorate and the changing nature of the representation interface. Whilst the Internet has the scope for more personalized and two-way communication and for electors to hold politicians to account, it seems that politicians are more focused on campaign advantage rather than renewing the representation interface. 相似文献
135.
Aaron C. Weinschenk 《Journal of Political Marketing》2019,18(1-2):69-91
I examine the relationship between demographics and vote choice using pre-election tracking polls, exit polls, and data on the American states. A number of important findings emerge: (1) there was a fair amount of preference stability in 2016; (2) Clinton underperformed Obama in 83% of demographic groups examined; (3) at the state level, the percent of whites with low levels of education and the size of the rural population had important effects on vote choice, and both of those variables were more strongly correlated with Democratic vote share in 2016 than in 2012; and (4) while state turnout rates were moderately correlated with Clinton’s vote share, changes in state turnout rates from 2012 to 2016 did not have a substantial impact on Clinton’s performance. 相似文献
136.
RAUL GOMEZ 《European Journal of Political Research》2022,61(2):566-585
Despite the widespread secularisation of West European societies, research has only found mixed evidence of a decline in the influence of religion on people's electoral preferences. A relatively recent line of inquiry has adopted a ‘top-down’ approach to this problem, arguing that the impact of religion not only depends on structural social changes, but also on parties’ convergence on moral issues. Drawing upon this ‘top-down’ approach and the ‘impressionable years’ model, this article argues that parties’ political strategies aimed at (de-)mobilising social cleavages have a lasting effect on voters’ party preferences. Using nine rounds of the European Social Survey for 19 West European countries, I find the impact of religiosity on voting for the centre-right (Conservative and Christian Democratic parties) to be significantly smaller for voters who were exposed during emerging adulthood (aged 15–25) to a centre-right party that adopted similar positions on moral issues to those of its main competitors. These findings have important implications because they highlight the role of generational replacement in bringing about electoral change, even when this is prompted by parties’ strategic choices. 相似文献
137.
刘成柱 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2011,25(5):99-102
职工代表作为职代会的主体,是否充分履职,是否确切表达民意,对职代会作用的发挥至关重要,而记名投票表决方式是对职工代表履职行为的一种有效监督形式.本文从对一院职工代表表决方式现状分析人手,重点论述职工代表记名投票表决方式的必要性和重要意义,提出与职工代表记名投票表决方式相匹配的对策建议. 相似文献