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991.
我国巨灾保险法涉及面广,若要使巨灾保险法的功能得以有效发挥,巨灾保险事业得以长足发展,我国巨灾保险法的构建就必须充分考虑其与相关法律制度的规范协同问题,主要是与财政拨付法律制度、已有保险法律制度、证券保险法律制度以及税收制度间的规范协同问题。其中,巨灾保险法与财政拨付法的协同主要体现在巨灾预警预防、救助、恢复重建等方面;与保险法的规范协同主要体现在参保方式、保险机构的建立、相关法律责任认定以及保险原则的继承和发展等方面;与证券法的协同主要表现在特殊机构SPV的法律构建、证券化基本资产真实销售的规定、监督问题等方面;与税法的规范协同主要体现在两个方面,一是与企业所得税法的协同,以更好的促进保险公司开发巨灾产品以及促进企业开发防灾减灾技术,二是与个人所得税法的协同,以更好的促进和保障个人投保以及对特殊群体更多的税收照顾。 相似文献
992.
韦文高 《天水行政学院学报》2012,13(4):47-49
什么是积极社会福利,构建积极福利制度有什么意义,怎样构建和政府在其中角色定位和具体职责是什么,对其的正确理解,将有助于我国社会福利的建设和发展。 相似文献
993.
近年来,基层政府公务员的心理健康问题受到了社会各界的广泛关注。作为特殊的群体,基层政府公务员既要具有完成本职工作的基本素质和综合能力,更要具备良好的心理承受能力和调适能力。我国基层政府公务员心理健康的维护与调适,需要统筹政府部门、社会力量、公务员自身等多方面因素,多管齐下,协力而为。一要保持经济持续发展,夯实基层政府发展的物质基础;二要深化体制机制改革,构建基层政府公务员保障体系;三要强化理念信念教育,营造基层政府良好的内在氛围;四要优化行政生态环境,创设和谐有序的外部环境。 相似文献
994.
张民省 《中共山西省委党校学报》2014,(1):74-78
新的《老年人权益保障法》是一部关系数以亿计的社会老年成员在保证晚年阶段生活质量的重要法律,但如果没有各级政府制定和完善的政策支持,该法律的相关条款则势必难以落到实处。因此,“精神赡养”、“就近居住”等条款,需要政府配套劳动、就业政策的支持;建立“长期护理保障”制度,政府需拿出符合中国国情的方案;构建新的养老服务体系,重点应完善养老机构的布局与建设;老年人宜居环境应不止于公共设施,还包括住宅设计、社区服务环境建设等;鼓励老年人“参与社会发展”,需要改革退休政策、防止就业歧视。 相似文献
995.
"资源依赖"理论是考察第三部门与政府资源互依关系的有效理论工具。运用这一理论分析我国第三部门与政府的关系可以发现,我国政府对第三部门的态度仍然是"防范控制"优先于"扶持发展",而后者的应对策略则是"自我节制"、"非制度化生存"与"自我异化",这在很大程度上影响了第三部门的发展,因此,急需优化两者之间的关系。优化的途径主要包括:转变对第三部门发展的观念、加强第三部门与政府的合作、优化第三部门的制度环境等。 相似文献
996.
The negotiation literature has extensively examined the topic of power and how it can be wielded. Numerous frameworks have been created and utilized in the various treatises on negotiations; analyzing the power differential in any given situation is a common teaching technique. However, despite this focus on the topic, discussions of power have been mainly focused on negotiations in the private sector. As a result, many of the most common frameworks are oriented toward this type of situation, resulting in a clumsy application to a public-sector negotiation. Given the growing importance of negotiations to public-sector leaders, we provide a new structure for analyzing power that can be utilized in such situations. For a municipal leader confronted with a complex public-private partnership, it is important to have the right tools to use when examining the power dynamics at play. After examining several current models of power, as well as other writings on the topic in negotiation and strategy literature, we present a new model. This model divides power into different categories based on whether it stems from formal or informal mechanisms, and then offers several specific forms relevant to the public sector. We then use this new model to examine a case study involving the new mayor of Manchester, New Hampshire and her efforts to negotiate a better response to the opioid and homelessness crisis. This case study illustrates the unique nature of public sector negotiations and provides a roadmap for negotiators looking to use our new framework. 相似文献
997.
Why is the winner-loser gap in political support wider in some countries and narrower in others? Previous studies have focused on how the input side of political systems (i.e., the institutional structure) affects the winner-loser gap. This study suggests that one should also consider the output side (i.e., the quality of political process and economic performance) and posits that two mechanisms – rational and psychological – can explain how output factors affect the gap. Going beyond previous research, this article also considers whether contextual characteristics explain the variation in the gap not only between countries, but also within them. Applying mixed models to survey data from 30 European countries between 2002 and 2015, the study finds that the differences in support between winners and losers across countries are smaller in consensual systems, as in these contexts the support among losers is higher. However, changes in the institutional structure do not explain the over-time variation in the winner-loser gap. Moreover, increasing quality of process and economic performance do not attenuate the gap across countries and over time, as they affect positively the political support of both winners and losers. The study shows which contextual factors explain the winner-loser gap and points to the conditions that increase losers’ consent, which is a crucial element of democratic legitimacy. 相似文献
998.
DEE GODDARD 《European Journal of Political Research》2019,58(2):631-655
While all government portfolios used to be the purview of men exclusively, more and more women are selected to sit around the cabinet table. But under which circumstances do women get appointed to different ministerial portfolios? This article, proposes a theoretical framework to consider how party leaders’ attitudes and motivations influence the allocation of portfolios to male and female ministers. These propositions are tested empirically by bringing together data on 7,005 cabinet appointments across 29 European countries from the late 1980s until 2014. Considering the key partisan dynamics of the ministerial selection process, it is found that women are significantly less likely to be appointed to the ‘core’ offices of state, and ‘masculine’ and ‘neutral’ policy areas. However, these gender differences are moderated by the ideology of the party that allocates them. Women are more likely to be appointed to ‘masculine’ portfolios when a party's voters have more progressive gender attitudes. This theoretical framework and analysis enhances our understanding of women's access to the government, which has important implications for how ministers are selected, as well as how women are represented in the most powerful policy-making positions in Europe. 相似文献
999.
王政忠 《胜利油田党校学报》2015,(1):80-82
近些年来,我国经济发展不仅取得了举世瞩目的成就,同时也加快了我国经济发展方式的转变,增强了综合国力,获得了极大的经济效益。但是现阶段,在我国对外经济发展方式转变的过程中,在制度环境和经济环境的角度等方面,仍然存在一系列的问题。分析我国对外经济发展方式的特点,探索我国对外经济发展方式存在的问题和转变的制约因素,总结我国对外经济发展方式转变的战略选择,对我国对外经济发展方式的战略转变进行研究有一定的理论价值。 相似文献
1000.
Sara Svensson 《Regional & Federal Studies》2015,25(3):277-295
The article discusses the determinants of local government contact networks within cross-border cooperation organizations (Euroregions). Relying on social capital theory, a combination of social network and qualitative analytical tools are applied on data from two Scandinavian and two East Central European cases. The analysis reveals that, even in favourable circumstances, contact networks are thin and Euroregions fail to develop into truly integrated political spaces. The analysis also shows that contact patterns on one side of the border, determined primarily by inter-municipal cooperation, will matter for how contact networks are formed across the border. The findings are important, as membership in a Euroregion is expected to foster cross-border political relationships that could have possible spillover effects in terms of encouraging policy cooperation outside the framework of the Euroregion, which in turn would enhance the likelihood of well-functioning cross-border governance spaces. 相似文献