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61.
Political Parties and Grassroots Clientelist Strategies in Urban Turkey: One Neighbourhood at a Time
Ceren Ark-Yıldırım 《South European society & politics》2017,22(4):473-490
Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron–client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper provides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas. 相似文献
62.
Frederick Golooba-Mutebi 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2017,55(1):22-40
Violent political revolt has been common in independent Uganda. For a long time, such revolts were exclusively expressed as rural-based rebel groups fighting the government. Since the mid-2000s, however, this seems to have come to an end. Instead, urban riots, very rare in the past, have become much more common. This article analyses these changing patterns of types and location of violent political revolt in Uganda under the National Resistance Movement government. It argues that the earlier prevalence of rural rebellions can be explained by the combination of a coercive and militarised state, and weak and ethnically factionalised political forces who took their violent resistance to rural regional bases. Over time, however, government counter-insurgency became more effective and the conditions for insurgency were undermined by withdrawal of external support. Furthermore, the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 2005 opened up new avenues for political expression. The changes to the political system were, however, more nominal than real in many respects. While the rebel option had become less attractive and feasible, a series of social, economic and political grievances remained which were only partly channelled through party politics. They also found expression through sporadic urban violent revolt. 相似文献
63.
Renato Tomei Rajendra Chetty 《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2017,12(2):19-32
This article features the personal experiences of a young African woman victim of trafficking and smuggling from Nigeria to Italy. The aim of the article is to provide a counter-narrative on the phenomenon of human trafficking, by engaging with the youth’s lived experiences. The story forms part of a wider database of youth counter-narratives, gathered by the authors in different parts of the world (Italy, South Africa, and Ethiopia). The narrative will be discussed on the basis of four identified elements, and the reflection addresses them within the wider context of trafficking, smuggling, and human migration. The conclusion drawn is that the language of youth counter-narratives can represent a useful tool to address the complexity of social issues, in particular when they refer to lived experiences of youngsters who have been subjected to different forms of oppression and violence. It also represents a sort of liberation from cultural homogenisation, forcing the readers to engage with a “new humanism.” 相似文献
64.
当今社会的网络低俗文化不仅会淡化社会教育所取得的积极成果,还会使青少年已初步形成的良好品德、兴趣与需要结构发生变异,价值取向出现错位。文章分析了目前网络低俗文化对青少年的影响及泛滥的原因,探讨了抵制网络低俗文化的对策。 相似文献
65.
网络经济与网络政治 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
王益友 《中央社会主义学院学报》2001,(6):43-45
随着网络在全球的发展,网络经济和网络政治成为当前的一个热点.如何把握网络政治的脉搏、发展和利用网络政治成为当前需要迫切解决的问题. 相似文献
66.
李卫宁 《中共云南省委党校学报》2001,(5)
冷战结束后,和平与发展是时代的主题,但是世界出现了“一超多强”的多极化政治新格局。因此,清醒认识当代国际政治格局走向,正确应对国际政治斗争的复杂形势,是争取持久世界和平的前提,是贯彻党的一系列战略部署和战略决策,形成我国在国际政治斗争中的主动地位的重要条件。 相似文献
67.
网络对青年社会化的效应及其对策分析 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
廖龙辉 《中国青年政治学院学报》2001,20(6):18-21
网络开辟了青年社会化的崭新时代,为青年提供了新的广阔空间,但在其消解传统的社会化模式,带来众多积极效应的同时,也应认识到网络社会化自身的局限与副作用.对这一问题的重视和探讨,将有助于进一步促进青年社会化的健康发展. 相似文献
68.
美国总统选举人团制度 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
总统选举入团制度是美国总统选举制度的重要组成部分.总统选举人团方案本身就是各种利益妥协的结果.经过二百多年的演变和发展,总统选举人团制度的内容和运行方式发生了诸多变化.迄今为止,它仍然是选举美国总统的重要机制,但存在许多缺陷和弊端. 相似文献
69.
海峡两岸青年政治价值观异同比较 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
曾盛聪 《中国青年政治学院学报》2001,20(5):1-5
青年的政治价值观反映青年对所处社会的政治现实与理想的基本评价.源于海峡两岸社会政治背景的差异,两岸青年在政治效能感、政治理想追求、政治现实的评价和两岸关系发展等问题上相异也十分明显,但两岸青年对社会政治昌明的追求和共同传承的爱国主义精神纽带,又构成了两岸青年的政治价值观的相通之处.为了促进台湾青年对祖国大陆的了解与信任,必须加大对台政策宣传,积极推进两岸青年的沟通与交流. 相似文献
70.
John Bohstedt 《The Journal of peasant studies》2016,43(5):1035-1067
The food riots of 2007–2008 jolted authoritarian regimes and international agencies into action. The riots also began to crack neoliberal hegemony over the global food system. Food riots have often driven a politics of provisions, sometimes winning relief, sometimes merely bloody repression, depending on a particular country’s political economy. Such bargaining in the politics of provisions is made possible by existing networks – of solidarity among the common people and reciprocity between them and their rulers – that extend elements of ‘normal’ politics into crises. This paper explores how riotous extensions of such sociopolitical networks shaped food politics in early modern England and China, Famine Ireland, the ‘IMF (International Monetary Fund) austerity riots’ of the 1980s and 1990s, and the food riots of 2007–2008. 相似文献