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101.
In keeping with many countries the UK has moved the problem of sexual offending up the political agenda. On the criminal justice side sentences have been increased and supervision periods extended. On the civil side a raft of new measures have been put in place to regulate the behaviour of sex offenders in the interest of community safety and child protection; this paper examines these measures and, in particular takes the sex offender ‘register’ as a case study to show how political imperatives have been brought to bear with little reference to the research or professional views of practitioners in this area. It is contended that under these political pressures, what starts life as a preventive, regulatory measure can easily become a more punitive measure in its own right; as such it may be liable to challenge by those subject to it for failing to fulfil its primary purpose and for straying across a line between the civil and criminal aspects of intervention. 相似文献
102.
Levenson JS 《Law and human behavior》2004,28(4):357-368
The present study investigated the reliability of Sexually Violent Predator (SVP) civil commitment criteria under Florida's Jimmy Ryce Act. The purpose of the study was to determine if, independently, 2 evaluators would reach the same conclusions about the same client (n = 295). According to civil commitment criteria outlined by the United States Supreme Court (Kansas v. Hendricks, 1997), SVPs must display a mental abnormality predisposing them to sexual violence and a likelihood of future sexual violence. The interrater reliability of 8 DSM-IV diagnoses applied by evaluators to determine whether a client has a "mental abnormality that predisposes him to sexual violence" was found to be poor to fair (kappa = .23 to . 70). The interrater reliability of risk assessment instruments used to determine "likelihood of reoffense" was good (ICC = .77 to .85). The recommendations made by evaluators regarding whether or not to refer a client for civil commitment demonstrated poor reliability (kappa = .54). Implications for practice and policy are explored. 相似文献
103.
Hoffmann EA 《Law and human behavior》2004,28(1):29-45
If male workers categorize different groups of women coworkers and, subsequently, treat them differently, the experiences of women from one of these groups would not be indicative of the experiences of women from another group. When this different treatment involves hostile environment sexual harassment of one group, but not the other, then the law must recognize the possibility of "selective sexual harassment." Without this understanding of the nuances of the workplace dynamics, a court could mistake the women of the unharassed group as representing "reasonable women" and the women of the harassed group as simply oversensitive. This paper draws on empirical data to demonstrate such a situation and advocates for a version of the "reasonable victim" standard to facilitate a closer analysis of hostile environment sexual harassment suits. 相似文献
104.
This study explored the effects of judges' personal characteristics (gender, race, age, and political affiliation) and case characteristics on the outcomes of federal cases of hostile environment sexual harassment. Results revealed that even after controlling for the effects of relevant case characteristics (e.g., severity of the harassment), judges' personal characteristics influenced case outcomes. Specifically, younger judges and Democrat judges were more likely to find for the plaintiff (the alleged victim of harassment). The probability that the decision would favor the plaintiff was only 16% when the case was heard by an older judge but 45% when heard by a younger judge. The probability that the decision would favor the plaintiff was only 18% when the case was heard by a judge who had been appointed by a Republican president but 46% when the judge had been appointed by a Democrat president. 相似文献
105.
This study examined the impact of types of women's verbal refusals, and the timing of her refusal, on men's discrimination of when a female wants her partner to stop making sexual advances. Male students were randomly assigned to 1 of 6 conditions (Explanations × Intimacy Levels). Before listening to an audiotape of a date rape, participants were told they would be listening to an interaction between a man and a woman who had just returned from a date. They were instructed to indicate when the woman wanted the man to stop making sexual advances by pressing a switch that synchronously stopped a timer (yielding the measure of latency). In the vignette, the woman provided an explanation for not engaging in sexual intercourse on the date either during kissing or when the man attempted to touch her breasts. She offered one of three reasons for refusing his sexual advances; fear of pregnancy, waiting until marriage, too early in the relationship. Results revealed an interaction in which participants in the too early in the relationship explanation at the level of breast contact condition displayed significantly longer latencies than individuals in the other groups. The implications of the findings are discussed. 相似文献
106.
This article examines the mass public's perceptions of the factors that actually influence Supreme Court decisions as well those that ought to influence such decisions. We expect significant discrepancies between what the public believes ought to be the case and what it perceives to actually be the case with regard to Supreme Court decision making and that these discrepancies have a significant negative impact on the public's assessment of the Court. More specifically, we hypothesize that the public believes that political factors have more influence on the Court than ought to be the case and that the public perceives traditional legal factors to be less influential than they should be. We find that the expected discrepancies do exist and significantly detract from popular regard for the Court. 相似文献
107.
Nick Dearden 《Feminist Legal Studies》1999,7(3):317-332
This note examines the case of a group of gay men who, having engaged in consensual sexual acts together, became known as
the `Bolton Seven' following their conviction in 1998 for offences of buggery and/or gross indecency. More particularly the
note scrutinises the implications of the ages of the participants (one of whom, at 17
, was unable to give lawful consent to sexual intercourse with a man) in the light of the enactment of Part I of the Sex Offenders
Act 1997 which introduces a system of compulsory registration by some convicted and cautioned sex offenders with the police
(including men convicted of, or cautioned for, buggery or gross indecency). The note explores the justification for inclusion
of these offences within the remit of the1997 Act together with the cultural construction of gay men as predatory and as constituting
a risk to younger members of society. It also analyses some of the effects of the registration requirement in terms of it
constituting a potential violation of fundamental rights such as equality and respect for private life. This discussion is
located particularly within the context of the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights and the introduction of
the Human Rights Act 1998 in the U.K..
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
108.
詹爱萍 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2014,(3):94-99,113
当事人是案件过程的亲历者,是事实认定的最佳信息来源,其陈述助益真实之发现;当事人与案件结果具有最密切的利害关系,是最差的证人,其陈述阻碍真实之发现。鉴于当事人对案件真实发现正反两面之功效,向来以正确而慎重裁判之达成为目的诉讼程序,将当事人询问规定为补充性证据,并居于证据种类排序的末位。而在以简易、迅速而经济裁定之达成为目的之行为保全程序中,首先询问当事人既能契合程序固有的快速解决机制,又可以满足被申请人甚至案外人之程序保障,使得法官尽早掌握案件要点。因此,取消当事人询问之补充性地位,并置于证据种类排序的首位更符合诉讼目的。 相似文献
109.
阳燕香 《天水行政学院学报》2012,13(5):45-49
本文以近几年频发的“群体性表达事件”为切入点,提出其作为法制外集会游行示威权的尴尬地位;进而以程序问题和实体问题为坐标,分别对我国《集会游行示威’法》的文本规定与其他国家有关集会游行示威规则进行分析比较;最后,本着务实与渐进的原则提出了重新审视并改进我国集会游行示威相关规则的建议。 相似文献
110.
张欣 《山西省政法管理干部学院学报》2012,25(2):1-3
文章从人类学的仪式理论与实践出发,引入仪式在日常生活和在司法领域的表现及作用,从而阐明仪式对立统一的存在价值。其次,从陪审制度这一现代司法仪式的阻断功能、辅助司法权威功能以及稳定司法功能进行全景式考察,阐述陪审制度借助仪式这一载体而体现的独特价值。 相似文献