当前美国保守主义外交的国内根源及其表现

当前美国外交政策表现出明显的保守性,这有它深刻的国内根源,主要是官僚政治因素、地理与人口因素和宗教派别因素。在反恐问题、伊拉克问题、北朝鲜核问题、伊朗核问题和中美贸易等一系列美国外交所面临的现实问题上,保守主义的影响都已得到相当的体现。     

Coparent Support and Conflict in African American Single Mother-Headed Families: Associations With Maternal and Child Psychosocial Functioning

This longitudinal investigation examined main and interactive effects of coparent support and conflict on mother and child adjustment in 248 low-income, African American, single mother-headed families. The findings indicated that coparent conflict was a more robust predictor of mother and child maladjustment both cross-sectionally and longitudinally than was coparent support. Moreover, findings revealed that coparent conflict and support interacted to predict one parenting behavior, monitoring, both cross-sectionally and longitudinally. Coparent relationships characterized by high levels of support and low levels of conflict were associated with the highest levels of parental monitoring behavior, whereas coparent relationships characterized by low levels of support and high levels of conflict were associated with the lowest levels of monitoring. The findings highlight the importance of examining both positive and negative aspects of coparent relationships in this at-risk, but understudied, group.     

Coparenting Conflict and Parenting Behavior in Economically Disadvantaged Single Parent African American Families: The Role of Maternal Psychological Distress

Substantial research has focused on the negative associations between coparenting conflict, parental psychological functioning, and parenting behavior in European American, middle-income, families. However, less attention has been given to ethnic minority families and to families that are nontraditionally structured. In an effort to address this gap, the current longitudinal study examines the relation between conflict with the mother-identified primary co-caregiver and parenting practices in single parent, economically disadvantaged African American families. Participants included 234 mother–child dyads. It was hypothesized that conflict would relate to less utilization of positive parenting practices and that this association would be mediated, at least in part, by maternal psychological distress. Hypotheses were examined using structural equation modeling (Lisrel 8.3): Conflict with a co-caregiver was significantly related to parenting both directly and indirectly through maternal psychological distress. Implications of the findings are discussed.

Margaret Fuller's Rome and the problem of provincial American democracy

ABSTRACT

Margaret Fuller's visit to Italy as a correspondent for the New York Tribune at the time of the 1848 revolutions gave her a unique perspective on them, not only as a feminist intellectual but also as a commentator on the American relationship with revolutionary Europe. In her Tribune writings she addressed issues at once more partisan and more global than those she had covered inside the United States, including the political condition of Italy as a subject state under Austrian imperial control, and as an object of ridicule by many American observers, and the condition of American slavery. Italian peoples and slaves, in her mind, were, like women, oppressed by a transatlantic patriarchy whose prejudices allowed only for white males to enjoy political independence. Fuller called for American support for the Roman republic, but her sympathies did not reflect the thrust of American opinion. Many Americans did not believe Italians were capable of maintaining republican self-government, which was different, they alleged, from their own version, part of the inheritance of the American Revolution. That heritage conferred a unique American revolutionary ‘exceptionalism’. For these Americans, the 1848 revolutions provided evidence that Europe was impulsive, reactionary and flawed; they saw in them confirmation of the superiority of American race relations and democratic society. After her death in 1850, the American Civil War would confirm Fuller's implicit sense that the United States and Europe were more alike than many Americans of her generation believed or realized. Her critique of American attitudes to the prospect for democracy in Italy provides perspective on the ambiguity of American global leadership today.     

Faithful Servants and Dangerous Beasts: Race,Nationalism and Historical Mythmaking

Quispel explores the relationship between racism, nationalism and historical mythmaking. When comparing the role played by antisemitism and racism in nationalist ideologies in Europe, South Africa and the American South some common features emerge: in all three cases nationalism has employed historical myths to prove not only the superiority of the 'own group', but also the inferiority of 'others'. However, in both South Africa and the American South, there was an important change. At first these myths were used to interpret a recent past in which people of European descent, the English and the Yankees respectively, had been the enemy. During the process of white reconciliation, which gathered momentum in the South during the last decade of the nineteenth century, and more slowly in South Africa during the 1930s, the character of the mythologies started to shift. In South Africa anti-British myths, like Slagtersnek, gave way to myths concerning the battle at the Bloedrivier in which anti-African elements were much more prominent. In the American South pre-Civil War society came to be seen as perhaps as close to paradise as human society could achieve. Even Blacks were depicted as having been happy: being slaves under the close supervision of their white masters helped them to control their dark passions and to perform the task that God had created them for in the first place, hard physical labour to boost the white economy. After emancipation things changed dramatically. Without white supervision Blacks were seen as regressing to a natural primitive state. Historical myths then became an important justification for white supremacy.     

Kenneth B. Clark and the problem of power

ABSTRACT

During the early 1960s African American psychologist Kenneth B. Clark, known primarily for his involvement in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education US Supreme Court desegregation decision, began organizing an ambitious anti-poverty programme called Harlem Youth Opportunities Unlimited, Inc. (HARYOU). Dissatisfied by the lack of progress in school desegregation in New York City and discouraged by the inability of traditional social welfare organizations to address the problems of race and poverty, Clark argued that a new approach had to be developed to mobilize the black poor to gain the political and economic power that would solve their problems. At the same time, he theorized that a new form of racial segregation was beginning to develop in urban areas that foreshadowed increasing social isolation, economic dependence and declining municipal services for many African Americans. He called this new development ‘internal colonialism’ and hoped that HARYOU would be a demonstration project in the Kennedy–Johnson administration's War on Poverty that would address these problems from multiple perspectives. Nonetheless, the plan aroused the political opposition of Harlem Congressman Adam Clayton Powell. The dispute with Powell drove Clark from HARYOU and caused him to re-evaluate his thinking regarding African American leadership. He increasingly viewed the ‘ghetto’ as both a prison and a cocoon that satisfied white and black social, economic, political and psychological needs. By the end of his HARYOU experience, Clark coined the term ‘the new American dilemma’ to describe and theorize about an increasingly isolated and powerless black population in many urban centres. The term also signified his belief that the problem of power was intricately tied up in, while also separate from, the problem of race.     

自然法抑或实证法——理性与意志视野下的美国宪法

在看待美国宪法观念中,一种观念将美国宪法视为自然法或高级法的摹本,认为美国宪法的特征在于人类凭借理性发现和宣布了自然法或高级法;另一种观念则将美国宪法视为纯粹的人民主权的意志表达。这两种观念都存在一定的曲解:美国宪法其实和古典自然法之间存在着巨大的断裂,是一种现代自然权利体系之下的人为宪法,但这种宪法并不是未经筛选的人民意志的表达,而是理性引导之下的意志表达。美国宪法的这种特征要求当代的法律人政治家既不能神话宪法,也不能轻视宪法,而是要求将宪法视为政治科学的教材,通过理解与对话来提升理性,从而思考宪法在当代的挑战。     

The Myth of the ‘Land Grab'

正Researchers debunk the theory that the Chinese Government is tackling food security by buying African land By Corrie Dosh It’s the kind of headline that sells magazines:"China Buys Up the World."It appeared in a November 2010 issue of The Economist,illustrated by a faceless,militaristic figure loading cars,oil barrels,power lines and various manufactured goods into     

To Have or Not to Have a Second Child

正THE modification of China’s birth control policy which allows couples where either parent is a single offspring to have a second child came into force at the end of 2013.Although many young couples are indeed eager to have a second child,there are also plenty who are not.For many,whether or not to give birth a second time is a weighty decision.Avoid Only-Child Loneliness Guo Qian,30,formally announced her intention to conceive and give birth to a sibling–with luck a sister–for     

In Love with Africa

正IN 2013,Chinese President Xi Jinping recounted a story about a Chinese couple’s fondness for Tanzania in East Africa:"There was once a Chinese couple who,fascinated by images of Africa they had seen on the television,chose to go to Tanzania for their honeymoon.They were enchanted by local customs and extraordinary scenery of the wild Serengeti Plains and fell in love with the country.Back home,the young couple posted a record of their journeys on a blog,which received tens of thousands of hits and hundreds of comments.They said,‘We have fallen in love with Africa and our hearts shall never leave this wonderland."This was Li Ling’s story."I have