我国官员财产申报制度的建立与完善

官员财产申报制度,是国际社会普遍采取的一种约束政府官员行为的制度,实施官员财产申报制度能有效遏制贪污贿赂等职务犯罪行为。鉴于我国现行的财产申报制度存在申报主体和申报范围偏窄、只向上级申报不接受公众监督、可操作性不强等问题及这一制度在我国的发展现状,我们必须从我国建立健全反腐败体系、加强反腐倡廉建设和开展反腐败斗争的实际需要出发,借鉴国外在应对腐败和对官员监督方面的经验,加强对我国的官员财产申报制度的研究。通过试点,争取在全国范围内早日建立并推行官员财产申报制度,让官员财产申报制度成为制度反腐的有力支撑,最终通过立法来完善我国的官员财产申报制度。     

Pretty faces,marginal races: Predicting election outcomes using trait assessments of British parliamentary candidates

The conventional wisdom on Western European politics leads us to believe that all the “action” lies with parties, because the unified parliamentary delegations in Western Europe draw voters' attention to parties' policies and images. Though British elections take place under a single member district plurality system, British parties, like their continental counterparts, are highly centralised and feature disciplined parliamentary delegations. Despite the strong ties between British candidates and their parties, we demonstrate that perceptions of candidates' personal attributes can be used to predict general election outcomes. Using a computer-based survey where subjects are asked to evaluate real British candidates using only rapidly determined first impressions of facial images, we successfully predict outcomes from the 2010 general election. Moreover, we find that perceptions of candidates' relative attractiveness are particularly useful for predicting outcomes in marginal constituencies.     

Parliamentary and presidential elections in Mongolia, 2012 and 2013

The 2012 Mongolian parliamentary election was historical as a new mixed-member majoritarian system was implemented. Compared with 2008, or even 2004, the 2012 election outcome indicates an at least tentative disruption of the bipolarisation of electoral politics in Mongolia. However, unlike in the past when the fragmentation of the party system was caused by the parties of the so-called “democratic camp”, the latest split occurred within the so-called “post-communist camp”. The presidential election took place on 26 June 2013. Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj of the Democratic Party was elected president and for the first time since the democratic transition of 1990, most executive and legislative powers shifted to the Democratic Party.     

马克思主义大众化在中国道路中的价值功能

中国道路是围绕什么是社会主义,怎样建设社会主义这个根本问题,在理论和实践中形成和发展起来的中国特色社会主义道路。人民大众坚定走中国道路是中华民族实现伟大复兴的前提,这需要用马克思主义理论武装人民大众,并在人民大众的中国道路实践中,充分彰显马克思主义理论的科学认知、方法指引、实践指导价值功能。     

潮流与现实悖反：我国机关法人之定位与重构

虽然国内外主流公私法理论基本认可国家主体性二元结构理论,大陆法传统更是认可国家的法人地位而否定国家机关的法人资格,并在立法上形成了公共机构非法人化的事实,但我国受前苏联国家特殊民事主体理论和国家机关法人理论影响,从20世纪50年代开始,就在立法和理论上认可了国家机关的法人地位并延续至今。我国这种国家机关全面法人化的立法事实不仅与世界范围内存在的非法人化潮流形成逆反,造成公法人向私法的遁入,而且与我国司法实践中普遍存在的国家机关的非法人化形成悖反,使机关法人的独立责任在相当程度上成为虚名。因此,在界分公法与私法的基础上,将国家机关的行为主要限定在公法领域,从而在私法领域中原则上否定其独立法人地位,只令其具有辅助国家私法人格与公共职能实现之作用,只有为实现公共利益与公共职能之必要时,例外地承认其独立法人地位。     

社会管理创新视域下高校教职工利益维护长效机制研究

为顺应时代变迁和"场域"置换等所带来的挑战,有效回应高校教职工利益诉求,社会管理机制是应对的一种新理论。就高校的工会工作而言,可以通过"有为"来实现"有位"。为此,需要建立健全高校教职工利益维护的长效机制,即利益表达、补偿、保障、激励、促生机制,从而使高校工会的"精"、"气"、"神"得到高度统一,有效维护高校教职工的切身利益。     

生态良知在个体本位中的存在样态

生态良知是人与自然相互作用的产物。生态良知是从生存论意义上探析人与自然之间关系而产生的一种＂善＂的观念,它随着社会的发展而呈现出不同的存在样态。从差异论的视角分析,个体化社会是社会差异化发展的产物,生态良知则是在人与自然的差异中产生和发展的。由于现代人与自然的差异片面扩大,生态良知在个体本位中的存在样态便呈隐性状态,这是个性张扬的结果。因此,人与自然之间的同一性是生态良知存在的根基,理性地考察个体本位中的生态良知,对于当代更好地协调人与自然的关系具有深远的意义。     

Commission Newsletter: Winter 1981

I.A.A. Thompson: Crown and Cortes. Government, Institutions and Representation in Early‐Modern Castile (Variorum, Collected Studies Series CS 427, Ashgate Publishing, Aldershot, 1993, pp. 352; ISBN 0–86078–393–6; £49.50)

Janusz Mallek: Preußen und Polen: Politik, Stände, Kirche und Kultur vom 16. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1992. Schriften der Mainzer Philosophischen Fakultätsgesellschaft Nr. 12, pp. 207; ISBN 3–515–05943–1; DM 58)

Cristiana Senigaglia: Il gioco delle assonanze: a proposito degli influssi hobbesiani sul pensiero filosofico‐politico di Hegel (Florence, La Nuova Italia, 1992, pp. 235)     

The Neglected Nation: The CSU and the Territorial Cleavage in Bavarian Party Politics

This article examines the continuing salience of the territorial cleavage in Bavarian party politics. It does so through an exploration of the Christian Social Union's (CSU) mobilisation of Bavarian identity as part of its political project, which has forced other parties in Bavaria to strengthen their territorial goals and identities. Parties have articulated different constructions of ‘Bavaria’ to rival the CSU's dominant nation-building project. However, they have been unable to portray themselves as ‘standing up for Bavarian interests’ due to the constraints of the state-wide parties to which they belong. As an exclusively Bavarian party, the CSU has no such constraints. Indeed, the CSU's core aim of strengthening Bavaria's position vis-à-vis the German federation may be viewed as akin to that of the Convergència i Unió in Catalonia, Spirit in Flanders or Plaid Cymru in Wales. Like these parties, the case of the CSU in Bavaria demonstrates that sub-state territorial mobilisation has as much to do with negotiating autonomy within the state as seceding from it. To that end, the CSU provides a valuable case of how a regionalist party operating within a multi-level political system has sought to influence the regional, state and European levels to obtain a comparative territorial advantage.     

战后初期日本教师职前培养模式改革论略

战后初期,在民主化教育体制建立、战前封闭型教师职前培养模式反思以及社会对“教师”职位认识变化的影响下,日本教师职前培养模式走上了开放型的发展道路.其改革措施主要包括:整编旧制师范学校、在旧制帝国大学创设教育学部以及在一般大学开设教师培养课程.研究战后初期日本教师职前培养模式改革的背景、措施以及所出现的问题对正处于教师教育转型期的我中教师教育发展具有一定的启发意义.