The Leverage of the Gatekeeper: Power and Interdependence in the Migration Nexus between the EU and Turkey

In March 2016, the European Union and Turkey reached an agreement seeking to end the refugee flows from Turkey to Greece. This agreement is the outcome of a bargaining process in which Turkey gained considerable leverage from its position as a ‘gatekeeper’ situated between Syria and an increasingly ‘immigration-averse’ and securitised EU. More importantly, this bargaining process might have broader implications for the EU and its relations with its periphery, since Turkey has progressively reversed the asymmetries of power by demonstrating the indispensability of its continued commitment to act as gatekeeper vis-à-vis an increasingly fragmented and anxious EU.     

Comparing public attitudes on EU membership in candidate countries: the cases of Croatia,Macedonia and Turkey from 2004 to 2011

Past enlargements of the European Union (EU) have demonstrated that public attitudes on European integration can influence the course of accession processes. Beyond the literature on public EU support in member states and former candidates, the dynamics that shape public attitudes on EU membership within recent candidate countries have not been systematically examined. Analysing nine Eurobarometer (EB) surveys from 2004 to 2011, we argue that evaluations of EU membership in Croatia, Macedonia and Turkey are shaped by utilitarian considerations, belief in various political institutions as well as the fear of losing national identity. The economic crisis of 2008 has changed public opinion towards EU membership in all three countries, but Turkey appears to have been affected the most compared to Croatia and Macedonia.     

Caudillismo along the Nile

The “coup-volution” of 2011 removed President Mubarak but not his authoritarian regime, which is now guided by his successor, President Abd al Fattah al-Sisi. Both autocrats, there are nevertheless important differences between these two presidents and their respective regimes. Sisi’s tougher authoritarianism is analogous to the Latin American prototype of “delegative democracy”, a stalled phase of democratic institution-building in which voters delegate their authority to the president, who rules unconstrained by a balance of institutional powers. The primary feature of what in the Egyptian case might better be termed “delegative authoritarianism” is the decision-making autonomy of the president, who perceives himself as the “embodiment of the nation and the main custodian and definer of its interests”. This results in erratic, inconsistent and ineffective policymaking, which isolates the president yet more from institutions and political forces, while causing the entire polity to be suffused with a deep cynicism. Although the most probable scenario is that Sisi will continue for the foreseeable future as Egypt’s delegative dictator, as a one-man band his regime is inherently unstable and prone to coups, coup-volutions and outright revolutions.     

The effects of protracted conflict and displacement on citizen engagement in Northern Uganda

The Acholi region of Uganda was deeply affected by the war between the Lord’s Resistance Army and the Government of Uganda from the late 1980s to 2006. This article presents qualitative case-study research of how citizen engagement evolved during the conflict and period of internal displacement, analysing the mechanisms through which violent conflict affected the sense and practice of citizenship. The findings show that the securitisation of local institutions and the militarisation of the public sphere limited the opportunity for learning the practice of citizenship. In the post-conflict situation, perceptions and behaviours that developed during the conflict period persist among the Acholi. Finally, the experience of protracted conflict has a negative impact on a sense of citizenship, which weakens the confidence of the Acholi people to engage with the state. With practices of citizenship limited by inexperience and a sense of citizenship that is characterised by alienation, the Acholi find it difficult to hold state actors to account. This demonstrates the need for a clear understanding of the continued fragility of citizenship after violent conflict.     

Students’ foundational understanding of chemical reaction in the forensic science bachelor’s degree program at the National Autonomous University of Mexico

ObjectiveTo compare the understanding of the concept of chemical reaction—as operationalized by Bloom’s taxonomy of cognitive levels—of students in forensic science bachelor’s degree with that achieved by students majoring in chemistry, as a prerequisite for future professional collaboration and communication.Materials and methodsUsing previously validated and published tests developed to assess students’ knowledge, comprehension, and application of the concept of chemical reaction, we explored how conceptual understanding developed in students enrolled in (a) a forensic science degree program in a Mexican public university and in (b) chemistry undergraduate programs offered by the same university, and whether both groups achieved comparable attainment levels.Findings and implicationsDespite receiving considerably less chemical instruction, forensic science students achieved comparable levels of conceptual understanding of chemical reaction to those exhibited by chemistry students. This finding is encouraging because it might mean that future forensic scientists could graduate with a solid foundation of chemical knowledge. More research, particularly on the learning of other key concepts, will be needed to verify these initial findings.     

在习近平法治思想指引下建设生态文明法治体系

建设中国特色社会主义法治体系,是全面推进依法治国的总目标,也意味着生态文明法治领域的一场深刻变革:建设生态文明法治体系。在长期的理论与实践探索中,生态文明法治体系建设取得积极成效却也面临新挑战。习近平法治思想深刻回答了为谁建设生态文明法治体系、如何建设生态文明法治体系以及建设何种生态文明法治体系等重大问题,是新时代建设生态文明法治体系的根本遵循和行动指南。为此应坚持以人民为中心,推进生态文明法治体系建设不断深化,坚持整体谋划思路,提升生态文明法治体系科学化水平,坚持现代化方向,推动生态文明法治体系迈向良法善治。     

Building European Union capacity to manage transboundary crises: Network or lead‐agency model?

In recent years, the European continent has witnessed a substantial number of “transboundary crises” – crises that cross geographical borders and affect multiple policy domains. Nation states find it hard to deal with such crises by themselves. International cooperation, thus, becomes increasingly important, but it is not clear what shape or form that cooperation should take. This article explores the growing role of the European Union (EU) in managing transboundary crises. More specifically, it reflects on the different ways in which the expanding contours of the EU's emerging crisis capacity can be organized. Using three “performative dimensions” – sense‐making, coordination, and legitimacy – the article discusses the possible advantages and disadvantages of a decentralized, network model and compares it with a more centralized, lead‐agency model. It concludes that the current network model is a logical outcome of the punctuated and fragmentary process through which EU crisis management capacities have been created. It also notes that the shortcomings of this model may necessitate elements of a lead‐agency model. Such “agencification” of networks for transboundary crisis management may well lead to a hybrid model that is uniquely suited for the peculiar organizational and political creature that the EU is.     

地方政府决策中的公民利益汇聚模式探究

公共政策是对公共资源的一种权威性分配,利益取向是资源分配的重要依据,公民利益则是地方政府决策的源流。因此,研究地方政府决策中的公民利益汇聚模式,探讨当前模式存在的阻滞因素及相应对策,有助于为地方政府实现决策的民主化和科学化提供理论借鉴。     

公民身份的扩展与欧盟区域人权保护原则

在全球化的推动下,区域政府间的政治联盟和公民身份都获得巨大发展,成为区域法治的重要力量.承载着自由权利、政治权利和社会权利的公民身份,为区域法治提供了合法性基础,从而成为区域人权保护原则的主体性力量;公民身份的结构性联系和基本权利的内在勾连意味着,公民身份的理念与制度的扩展必然要求在区域人权保护中坚持一体保护原则、多重保护原则和司法保护原则.     

A study of the use of sedative PRN medication in patients at a secure hospital

We have investigated the use of ‘as required’ (PRN), sedative psychotropic medication in 242 forensic rehabilitation patients at a UK secure psychiatric hospital. In total, 176 (73%) patients were prescribed PRN medication and 90 (37%) received a total of 542 doses in the preceding two weeks. The principle indication for use was agitation. Oral benzodiazepines, particularly Lorazepam, were most commonly prescribed and administered followed by Haloperidol. Although high-dose antipsychotics and polypharmacy due to PRN prescribing were common (11 and 20%, respectively), on only 6% of the days studied did patients actually receive PRN antipsychotic medication. Using univariate analyses, PRN administration was associated with younger age, female gender, emotionally unstable personality disorder, shorter length of stay and detention in medium security. Case note documentation of PRN administration was often absent (44%) or vague. Further research, both quantitative and qualitative, is needed into the precise circumstances under which PRN is administered.