全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1984篇 |
免费 | 72篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 77篇 |
工人农民 | 28篇 |
世界政治 | 61篇 |
外交国际关系 | 452篇 |
法律 | 794篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 48篇 |
政治理论 | 130篇 |
综合类 | 465篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 22篇 |
2021年 | 37篇 |
2020年 | 69篇 |
2019年 | 60篇 |
2018年 | 68篇 |
2017年 | 99篇 |
2016年 | 81篇 |
2015年 | 89篇 |
2014年 | 108篇 |
2013年 | 186篇 |
2012年 | 97篇 |
2011年 | 103篇 |
2010年 | 113篇 |
2009年 | 130篇 |
2008年 | 127篇 |
2007年 | 152篇 |
2006年 | 119篇 |
2005年 | 96篇 |
2004年 | 119篇 |
2003年 | 66篇 |
2002年 | 38篇 |
2001年 | 34篇 |
2000年 | 29篇 |
1999年 | 8篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有2056条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
侵权法的局限性催生了环境责任保险,而传统侵权理论对环境责任保险正当性的质疑是站不住脚的,它阻碍了环境责任保险的发展.事实上,环境责任保险制度把环境民事责任与合同契约责任有机联系起来,弥补了侵权行为法在环境侵权领域的局限性,适应了时代发展的要求,不仅不违反道德规范,不会导致个人责任没落,反而突破了传统侵权理论的桎梏,强化了侵权法的补偿功能,促进了无过错责任原则的发展,扩大了侵权责任的范围和领域,有助于近代侵权法向现代侵权法过渡,对侵权行为法具有积极影响. 相似文献
62.
王博 《河南公安高等专科学校学报》2006,15(6):27-30
我国《刑法》第一百九十六条第三款规定:盗窃信用卡并使用的,以盗窃罪论处。该款规定并不妥当,因为盗窃信用卡并使用的行为可能触犯盗窃罪、信用卡诈骗罪或诈骗罪。故应予以删除。 相似文献
63.
我国的反垄断法草案明确规定,实施违法垄断行为者应当承担损害赔偿责任,因此,损失计算将是我国反垄断民事诉讼中的重要问题.与一般的民事侵权行为相比,垄断行为造成的侵害有显著的特殊性,因此垄断损失的计算和证明多采用专家证言形式.垄断损失的计算方法主要有:标尺比较法,前后比较法,市场份额法和持续经营法,这些计算过程要接受形式和实质的司法审查.为了妥善解决垄断损失计算问题,我国亟待建立专家证人法律制度,提高法官和律师的反垄断法学和经济学素养. 相似文献
64.
从宪法角度和法律三元分类角度看,民法典将基本民事主体表述为"公民"比表述为"自然人"更合适。各国宪法差异决定中国民法典表述基本民事主体不能复制德国民法典的规定。就性质而言,民事主体内部关系的内容是权利与权利,应避免使用"权力"之类术语来定义其内部组织或描述其功能。在数字化时代,民法典应着力保障在数字化背景下备受威胁的个人隐私权,促进民事主体实质性享有平等的发展权利,但不宜承担公法功能。 相似文献
65.
How large a benefit is partisan control of the redistricting process? Do legal constraints on redistricting—such as the preclearance requirement of the Voting Rights Act—alter this benefit? Are institutions designed to reduce the benefit to partisan control—such as redistricting commissions—effective? To measure the effects of partisan districting on the electoral fortunes of the parties, we collect data on the partisan composition of state government, House election outcomes, and moderating institutions over an 80-year period. Our results suggest that over time, both parties have benefited from unified control, with the effects largest in states where voters were evenly divided among the parties and smallest in states where the controlling party had a large advantage in the electorate. The effects have changed over time, with both parties having equally benefited from control during the middle of the 20th century, the benefit largely disappearing in the late part of the century, and the Republican Party seeing a moderate advantage from control in the current century. The benefits of partisan control were not diminished in states with redistricting commissions. The preclearance requirement appears to have hurt the Democratic Party except when its vote share was very low. The aggregate effects of partisan redistricting are moderate in magnitude—in the modern period, this effect has typically been less than 10 House seats, with the last election where control of the House would have flipped in expectation occurring in 1954. 相似文献
66.
QUAN Xiaolian 《Frontiers of Law in China》2020,15(3):253
The regulations of cross-border data flows is a growing challenge for the international community. International trade agreements, however, appear to be pioneering legal methods to cope, as they have grappled with this issue since the 1990s. The World Trade Organization (WTO) rules system offers a partial solution under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), which covers aspects related to cross-border data flows. The Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) have also been perceived to provide forward-looking resolutions. In this context, this article analyzes why a resolution to this issue may be illusory. While they regulate cross-border data flows in various ways, the structure and wording of exception articles of both the CPTPP and USMCA have the potential to pose significant challenges to the international legal system. The new system, attempting to weigh societal values and economic development, is imbalanced, often valuing free trade more than individual online privacy and cybersecurity. Furthermore, the inclusion of poison-pill clauses is, by nature, antithetical to cooperation. Thus, for the international community generally, and China in particular, cross-border data flows would best be regulated under the WTO-centered multilateral trade law system. 相似文献
67.
“三权分置”是中央农村土地制度改革的重大决策部署。《民法典(草案)》近日公开征求意见,将于2020年3月提交全国人大审议通过。其在“物权编”简单移植了《农村土地承包法》土地经营权的个别条文,解决了土地经营权定性不明的问题,但使《农村土地承包法》的逻辑紊乱、利益失衡、无法放活经营权等问题进一步固化、显化,亟待作出实质性修改。其进一步修改应以实现“放活经营权”改革目标为基本遵循,坚守“物债二分”基本理论,充分尊重中国实际,切实维护农民利益。 相似文献
68.
常鹏翱 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2020,34(5):5-16
《民法典》物权编对真实物权设立了三种判断标准,即公示标准、事实标准和意思标准。基于绝对权的定位,通常以法定公示机制展示的物权为真实物权,此即公示标准,但这种标准并不唯一。在法律有特别规定的情形,征收等直接导致物权变动的客观事实能成为真实物权的判断标准,此即事实标准,与该事实不符的公示是错误的,公示的权利不是真实物权。此外,在法律允许的情况下,土地承包合同等当事人的合意也能成为真实物权的判断标准,此即意思标准,在不涉及第三人时,应按照意思标准而非公示标准来判断真实物权。 相似文献
69.
Why do some peace agreements end armed conflicts whereas others do not? Previous studies have primarily focused on the relation between warring parties and the provisions included in peace agreements. Prominent mediators, however, have emphasised the importance of stakeholders at various levels for the outcome of peace agreements. To match the experience of these negotiators we apply a level-of-analysis approach to examine the contextual circumstances under which peace agreements are concluded. While prominent within the causes of war literature, level-of-analysis approaches are surprisingly scant in research about conflict resolution. This article compares two Sudanese Peace Agreements: the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (2005) that ended the North–South war and led to the independence of South Sudan, and the Darfur Peace Agreement (2006) which failed to end fighting in Darfur. We find that factors at the local, national and international level explain the different outcomes of the two agreements. Hence, the two case studies illustrate the merit of employing a level-of-analysis approach to study the outcome of peace agreements. The main contribution of this article is that it presents a new theoretical framework to understand why some peace agreements terminate armed conflict whereas others do not. 相似文献
70.
印俄战略伙伴关系的新发展 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
印俄战略伙伴关系是冷战时期印苏特殊关系的继承和演进。进入21世纪以后,随着俄罗斯的复兴和印度的崛起,双方重新审视对方在各自战略棋盘上的分量,决定建立"战略伙伴关系",加强在政治、经济、军事、科技、能源等领域的合作。由于俄罗斯与中国的"战略协作伙伴关系"不断深化,印度与中国"面向和平与繁荣的战略伙伴关系"正在推进,印俄战略伙伴关系对于中国具有某种积极意义。尽管印俄对中国的态度有一定区别,但是印俄战略伙伴关系对中国的良性作用值得肯定。 相似文献