Giving a European Dimension to Civil Society Organizations

Abstract

This paper investigates the efforts by EU institutions, above all the Commission, to give a ‘European dimension’ to national and EU-level civil society organizations. The array of instruments and different paths available to induce associations of different kinds to ‘go European’ are highlighted: Funding programmes, campaigning, incentives to build transnational networks, and new consultation and involvement strategies. Empirical evidence regarding their effect on civil society organizations is taken from voluntary organizations working in the field of humanitarian aid, development, human rights, and social exclusion.     

Civil Society,Moderate Islam,and Politics in Indonesia and Malaysia

What role do moderate Islamic organizations play in promoting democratization in Malaysia and Indonesia? What is the difference between large, grassroots organizations and newer more urban-based non-governmental organization (NGOs)? Is one type of organization more effective than the other? This paper looks at the changing dynamics of moderate or progressive Islamic organizations in Malaysia and Indonesia. It examines organizations such as the Liberal Islam Network in Indonesia and Sisters in Islam in Malaysia, as well as others, to try and understand the conflict between moderate or progressive Islamic groups and more conservative Islamic forces and to evaluate the role such moderate organizations play in advocating for greater protection of rights and liberties. The article finds that under moderately open conditions (like in Indonesia after 1998), Islamic NGOs do play an important and constructive role in promoting democracy.     

Civil Society Mappings by Government: A Comparison of Ecuadorian and Colombian Cases

Scholars argue that we cannot see civil society organizations (CSOs) as legitimate players in policy if we have no clear ways to define them and if we lack information explaining their functions. Thus, scholars and practitioners alike have encouraged the ‘mapping’ of civil society. Mapping civil society consists of gathering and collating information on CSOs and often making it publicly available. There is little scholarship about such mapping efforts implemented by government. This article compares new mapping efforts in two countries—i.e., registries of CSOs created by governments in Ecuador and Colombia. The article examines the intentions of civil society mapping by government, identifying three key goals: to collect data, to regulate, and to foster collaboration. It discusses the differences across civil society mappings by government and in comparison with other mapping projects. The article argues that registries are increasingly positioned as a link between government and civil society not only to collect data for transparency but also to implement regulatory measures and to foster various degrees of collaboration. Thus, greater research attention to civil society mappings by government and their possible implications on civil society development and civil society/state relations is needed.     

政府绩效立法分析:以美国《政府绩效与结果法案》为例

随着绩效管理在政府部门的应用和重视 ,绩效立法也逐渐被关注。美国率先于 1993年颁布了《政府绩效与结果法案》(GPRA) ,以立法形式规范了政府绩效的相关活动。GPRA颁布至今已有 11年 ,绩效管理制度逐渐深入到政府日常工作当中 ,提高了政府部门绩效管理意识。但由于其内部复杂的管理、绩效数据收集存在很大困难、对政府部门项目评估的困难、实施过程受政治因素影响甚大、评估主体单一等原因 ,该法案实施出现了诸多问题 ,对这些经验教训的总结能为我国未来政府绩效立法提供借鉴。     

联合国军事维和人员不法行为的归责主体认定

联合国军事维和人员不法行为的归责主体认定非常复杂,须分两种情况讨论。在联合国指挥的维和行动中,联合国对维和部队具有行动控制权,派遣国具有纪律制裁权和刑事管辖权,维和部队既是联合国的附属机关,也是派遣国的机关。这种双重指挥机制决定了《国际组织的责任条款》第7条是最合适的法律依据。在联合国授权的维和行动中,指挥与控制机制较为复杂,被授权主体具有行动性指挥与控制,派遣国享有纪律制裁权和刑事管辖权,联合国具有最终控制。《国际组织的责任条款》第7条适用于认定被授权主体或派遣国的责任,不适合认定联合国责任。这两类维和行动均存在双重或多重归责的可能。     

美国《萨班斯法案》对我国企业赴美上市的影响

《萨班斯-奥克斯利法案》(The Sarbanes Oxley Act)是美国资本市场对在美国上市公司在公司治理方面的新要求,涉及内部控制、审计和会计等方面,体现了加强公司内控和对公众责任落实的方向,将会对我国企业赴美上市产生深远影响:一方面,该法案的数项条款的规定使我国企业以正式挂牌的方式于近期赴美上市遇到了较大的执行障碍;另一方面也为我国企业加强内部控制和风险管理,加快从业务流程到技术架构的一系列变革,保证内部审计在内控体系中发挥作用提供机遇.     

PROTECTING OUR CHILDREN FROM SEX OFFENDERS: HAVE WE GONE TOO FAR?

On July 27, 2006, U.S. President George W. Bush signed into law the Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act. This federal statute was created to serve as a tougher, more modern improvement of its predecessor in the ongoing effort to protect children from dangerous sexual predators. However, the Act did not amend the controversial federal mandate that all 50 states include the crimes of kidnapping and false imprisonment against a minor, committed by a nonparent, and without any sexual motivation or misconduct, as a crime requiring a wrongdoer to register as a sex offender. This Note demonstrates how the kidnapping and false imprisonment requirements of the Adam Walsh Act have led to a misuse of state sex offender registries to the detriment of the children they claim to protect. The solution that this Note proposes will provide each individual state with the freedom to decide how, if at all, these contentious offenses will fit into its sex offender registry, taking into consideration the state's unique statutory language, available child protective resources, and constitutional limitations. As a result, petty criminals who do not pose any real or specific threat to children will no longer be grouped with the most dangerous and violent sexual predators, child protective funds will be better utilized, and the public's attention will be refocused on the real threats to children, thereby satisfying the spirit and purpose of the Adam Walsh Act.     

实行行为的分类与解释论纲

根据不同的标准,实行行为可以区分为不同的类型,其中,复合的实行行为、拟制的实行行为、间接的实行行为、共同的实行行为和过失的实行行为具有特殊性,需要在刑法理论上特别研究。     

(Re-)building governance in post-conflict Africa: the role of the state and informal institutions

Post-conflict governance is an increasingly important aspect of foreign development assistance in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), where the weakening and disintegration of the state undermine sustainable human development. A major challenge in post-conflict rebuilding in SSA concerns the incorporation of subnational non-state structures and informal institutions into the post-conflict governance apparatus. In order to tackle this apparent gap in sustainable peacebuilding, more theoretical and empirical research is needed into the nuanced role(s) and contribution(s) of the post-conflict state in reconstituting governance and rehabilitating communities. This article discusses the post-Washington Consensus (PWC), an emerging development approach which seeks to re-introduce the role of the state in development and post-conflict studies. The central proposition of the article is that, contrary to the anti-statist premise of the Washington Consensus, states, non-state structures, and informal institutions play an important role in cultivating institutional reconciliation, interpenetration, and integration between macro-level government structures and subnational social institutions.     

对我国合同法中几个问题的探讨

作者结合律师实务，对我国合同法中的诚实信用原则、要约、承诺等若干问题提出了自己的看法和体会。