中柬“特殊关系”的形成(1954-1965)

1954年日内瓦会议以后的10年是中国和柬埔寨关系发展的重要时期。在这一时期中,两国关系经历了一个从彼此缺乏了解到在国际事务中密切合作的过程。在冷战时期,中国领导人视美国为对中国革命和中国国家安全的主要威胁,因此,他们对外政策的一个主要目标就是要打破美国对中国的孤立和封锁。为了反对和削弱美国这个主要敌人,中国领导人在外交领域中运用统一战线策略,分化对手并争取中立势力。就柬埔寨而言,中国领导人的主要考虑就是如何赢得西哈努克对中国的好感,争取他的合作,防止柬埔寨加入美国组织的反华包围圈。此外,中国领导人也希望通过柬埔寨来扩大中国在亚非中立国家中的影响。     

抗战时期我军干部的选拔方式

抗战时期,我军在探索干部选拔方法方面积累了丰富的实践经验：一是坚持全面历史地综合考察干部;二是突出在斗争实践中选拔干部;三是严格按照程序选拔干部;四是注重运用群众路线选拔干部。这些方法的运用,有力地促进了我军抗战时期干部队伍的建设,确保了干部质量的提高。     

Arab Nationalism and British opposition in Dubai, 1920–66

The article examines the armistice talks between Israel and Jordan (March–April 1949) from the perspective of the UN mediator, Ralph Bunche, who coordinated them. The period described was stormy and complex: at its start, Israel took control of the southern Negev. Later, the two countries conducted formal talks in Rhodes, under Bunche's watchful eye, in parallel to informal negotiations, without UN involvement, in Jordan. The article, based to a large extent on Bunche's unpublished diary, explains why Bunche, who maintained rigorous control of all of the other armistice talks, behaved differently in this case, giving his post factum seal of approval to the Israeli takeover of the southern Negev and allowing Israel to pressure Abdullah to hand over the Triangle. The thesis is that Bunche, who could have put an end to the talks by resigning, or drawn the US into the crisis (as he did in the other rounds of negotiations), recognized the complexity of the relations between Israel and Abdullah and chose to act in a way that would prevent a new eruption of hostilities. In effect he was protecting Abdullah, who would have been likely to lose the West Bank to Israel in another round of fighting.     

国际刑事法院管辖权探究——以利比亚情势为视角

在利比亚战争期间,国际刑事法院对卡扎菲等人发出逮捕令,对卡扎菲政权的灭亡以及被追捕的有关人的生命、自由产生巨大影响。利比亚战争虽然已经结束,但国际刑事法院的各项诉讼活动仍在进行。通过利比亚战争期间国际刑事法院的一系列活动,可以看出国际刑事法院的管辖权依据、行使的方式和结构,同时也证明了国际刑事法院在处理重大国际事件,特别是国际罪行中的重要性、权威性、公正性和独立性。     

东北亚地区安全形势与我国面临的安全挑战

东北亚地区异质政治文明与非兼容战略目标的并存,使东北亚地区在政治上表现出鲜明的非整合性特征;遗留的冷战遗产和因热点问题引发的国家间对抗,使该地区安全形势处于"两难"与"困境"之中;涉及到资源、环境等各个方面的非传统安全问题呈现出愈来愈突出的发展态势。在中国致力建设多元均衡的东北亚安全秩序之际,美国在关系到中国根本安全利益的台湾问题上向中国直接挑战,并利用对华政策的不确定性干扰中国对外政策的一贯性,利用对华政策的矛盾性牵制中国和平崛起战略的统筹性。中国必须准确识别美国针对中国综合安全的政治讹诈,保持清醒,及时调整自身战略的阶段性目标,控制内政与外交的节奏,稳健发展,在发展中求安全。     

Cold War redux in US–Russia relations? The effects of US media framing and public opinion of the 2008 Russia–Georgia war

This paper examines the Cold War rhetoric in US–Russia relations by looking at the 2008 Russia–Georgia war as a major breaking point. We investigate the links between media, public opinion and foreign policy. In our content analysis of the coverage in two major US newspapers, we find that the framing of the conflict was anti-Russia, especially in the initial stages of the conflict. In addition, our survey results demonstrate that an increase in the media exposure of US respondents increased the likelihood of blaming Russia exclusively in the conflict. This case study helps us understand how media can be powerful in constructing a certain narrative of an international conflict, which can then affect public perceptions of other countries. We believe that the negative framing of Russia in the US media has had important implications for the already-tenuous relations between the US and Russia by reviving and perpetuating the Cold War mentality for the public as well as for foreign policymakers.     

Reviews

Books reviewed:
Sampson Vera Tudela, Colonial Angels: Narratives of Gender and Sprituality in Mexico
Archer, Wars of Independence in Spanish America
Bergad, Slavery and the Demographic and Economic History of Minas Gerais, Brazil, 1720–1888
McFarlane and Posado-Carbó, Independence and Revolution in Spanish America: Perspectives and Problems
Earle, Spain and the Independence of Colombia, 1800–1825
Zimmermann, Judicial Institutions in Nineteenth-Century Latin America
Nugent, Modernity at the Edge of Empire: State, Individual, and Nation in the Northern Peruvian Andes
Chowning, Wealth and Power in Provincial Mexico: Michoacán from the Late Colony ti the Revolution
Benjamin, La Revolució: Mexico's Great Revolution as Memory, Myth, and History
Spenser, The Impossible Triangle: Mexico, Soviet Russia, and the United States in the 1920s
Buve and Weisebron, Procesos de Integración en América Latina: Perspectivas y Experiencias Latinoamericanas y Europeas
Edelman, Peasants Against Globalisation: Rural Social Movements in Costa Rica
Pelupessy and Ruben, Agrarian Policies in Central America
Harvey, The Chiapas Rebellion: The Struggle for Land and Democracy
Hite, When the Romance Ended: Leaders of the Chilean Left
Aguirre and Buffington, Reconstructing Criminality in Latin America
Craske, Women and Politics in Latin America
Beverley, Subalternity and Representation: Arguments in Cultural Theory
Breiner, An Introduction to West Indian Poetry
Goslinga, Caribbean Literature: A Bibliography
San Román, Onetti and Others: Comparative Essays on a Major Figure in Latin American Literature     

试论大院君时期朝鲜的对外政策——以"丙寅洋扰"、"辛未洋扰"及朝鲜的对应为中心

进入19世纪40年代以来，利用坚船利炮打开中国和日本国门的欧美列强将矛头指向东亚地区最后一块“未开垦地”——朝鲜。法国和美国分别在1866年和1871年对朝鲜发动武力征服，即“丙寅洋扰”和“辛未洋扰”。面对法、美舰队的入侵，大院君政府没有作出丝毫的妥协和让步，进行了英勇的抵抗，维护了国家主权。在两次“洋扰”期间，朝鲜政府继续维持着与中国的传统宗藩关系，欲凭借这种关系将中国作为代言本国立场的窗口和对外收集情报的窗口来利用，并且将中国作为抵挡西方冲击的防波堤，以阻挡或缓冲来自西方的冲击，维持朝鲜王朝的统治秩序。     

试析后冷战时代欧洲地缘政治的变化

从地缘政治视角考察,欧洲可划分为两大板块：＂心脏地带＂和＂边缘地带＂,与之相对应的是欧洲还存在两大地缘政治势力,即陆权势力和海权势力。冷战时代欧洲地缘政治格局的主要特征是苏联代表的陆权势力和美国代表的海权势力在两大地缘政治板块上的对立与均势。而后冷战时代的今天,欧洲地缘政治失去了这种战略平衡：陆权势力收缩而海权势力扩张,心脏地带衰落而边缘地带崛起。同时不应忽视,全球化和新科技革命,也都赋予了欧洲传统地缘政治形态以新的特征。