抗日战争时期中共游击队扎根基层社会的路径

全面抗战爆发后,中共深入基层社会,并以游击战发展壮大。问题是,当时各种势力蜂拥而起,为什么最后只有中共立下足、扎下根?应该说,良好的纪律是重要原因,它培养起民众对革命的最初情感。但只有纪律是不够的,如何把情感转变为政治意识,是中共的持续努力。总体观之,中共游击队进入基层社会,经历了一个从情感到组织的演变过程,最终赢得民众拥护。     

论抗战时期桂林文化团体的生存环境

抗战时期,桂林出现大量文化团体,这与桂林独特的地理环境、社会环境、政策环境等密切相关。国民党当局对桂林文化界有扶持、鼓励的一面,也有限制、打击的一面,为文化界开展活动制造了障碍。桂系当局对“文化城”的社团大体上持鼓励、支持态度,但在有些情况下也会加以限制、打击。中国共产党为桂林“文化城”的社团提供了良好的活动空间和坚强可靠的领导。中国共产党对桂林抗战文化运动的领导,主要表现在政治思想引导、方针政策贯彻和组织机构建立等方面。另外,桂林文化团体的物质条件极为匮乏,安全环境十分恶劣。     

抗日战争时期党保持纯洁性的历史经验

党的纯洁性是先进性的前提和基础,是先进性的可靠保证。重温中国共产党在抗日战争时期保持党肌体纯洁的历史经验,特别是党在思想、作风、组织建设、构建廉洁政府等方面的理论与实践对于党在新的历史时期保持纯洁性具有很大的参考价值和借鉴意义。     

Evolving structure of collective bargaining in Turkey (1990–2005)

ABSTRACT

Following the June 1967 Six-Day War, the Soviet Union and Britain invested significant efforts in rehabilitating their relations with the Arab countries, notably Egypt. While both supported the withdrawal of Israel from the Arab-occupied territories, the two countries differed over the nature of the settlement. Still, at the UN Security Council, the Soviet Union supported the British draft resolution for solving the Middle East conflict. Cold War interests and competition over influence in the Middle East, however, led the Soviets to launch a public campaign against British policy in the Middle East and prevented the two countries from joining efforts to bring about a breakthrough in the Arab–Israeli conflict.     

Population displacement in the baltic region in the twentieth century: from ‘refugee studies’ to refugee history

This article explores how Baltic migration, and particularly the experience of forced migration, relates to broader comparative and methodological issues and debates in the emerging field of refugee history. Attention is given to the impact of two world wars and their aftermath in the Baltic, with particular emphasis on the ways in which refugees from the Baltic and elsewhere have related their experiences. The article concludes by drawing attention to the multiple readings of population displacement that historians need to entertain.     

The use of antisemitism in the Spanish Civil War

The Spanish Civil War saw an outburst of antisemitism in the Nationalist-controlled areas of the peninsula and in the Moroccan protectorate, an antisemitism influenced by the work of ultra-right-wing intellectuals associated with the Acción Española review. All the factions of the Nationalist camp interpreted the civil war as a crusade against the 'Jewish-Masonic-Bolshevist' conspiracy. In mainland Spain, where there were only a few Jewish families, antisemitism was largely confined to the written word. In this way, it was used mostly as a rhetorical tool to attack the Nationalists' real and imaginary enemies: the Republican forces, the French and the Soviets. Although there was no systemic persecution of the Jews, some aggressive acts took place in Seville and Barcelona. The situation of the larger Jewish community in Spanish Morocco was quite different. The Moroccan Jews were adversely affected by the Nationalists' efforts to enlist the support of the Muslim population against the Republicans and by the German presence in the protectorate. They were also victimized by the Falangists who confiscated their property and imposed heavy fines on them. The military authorities of Morocco tried to restrain these excesses as they realized that blatant antisemitism could hurt the rebels' image abroad. They also believed that Jewish wealth and connections could serve the Nationalist cause.     

The Vietnam Women's Movement for the Right to Live: a non-communist opposition movement to the American war in Vietnam

This article examines the political and diplomatic struggles in urban South Vietnam from the perspective of women in the Vietnamese Women’s Movement for the Right to Live (WRL) during the Vietnam War. This movement was a timely response to the American war of aggression, which had destroyed the fabric of South Vietnamese society and drastically diminished women’s position within it by 1970. Under the leadership of Mrs. Ngô Bá Thành, the WRL fought for peace and women’s liberation through political action and shrewd diplomacy. Unlike female guerrilla fighters, the WRL maintained political autonomy and neutrality throughout the conflict. As a result, it was violently repressed by the Saigon government and quickly disbanded after the communist victory in 1975. Nevertheless, studying these politically sophisticated women’s anti-war efforts is crucial to understanding the symbiotic yet destructive relationship between Third World women and American imperialism during the twentieth century. It also helps dismantle essentialist assumptions about Asian women as inherently submissive and politically naïve. The WRL is a sterling example of Vietnamese women’s ingenuity in their dual struggle for national liberation and gender equality.     

Dialogues of the War on Drugs: towards restorative reentry initiatives

The injustices of mass incarceration and the ‘War on Drugs’ are a much debated topic in the United States. My project engages this thematic field by examining how formerly incarcerated people discuss the War on Drugs and mass incarceration. I analyze the narratives of 17 formerly incarcerated men who volunteered to participate in: (1) life story interviews, (2) focus groups and (3) semi-structured interviews. Both restorative justice and reentry have been criticized for failing to consider the social, structural, and historical inequalities for marginalized groups. I contend that my subjects’ engagement with historical and autobiographical narratives contributes to an innovative practice borrowing from restorative justice in the context of reentry. The preliminary results confirm that for those who were on the frontline of the War on Drugs, narrating their life story was a cathartic experience and discussing collective memories of slavery and Jim Crow in a group setting became an educational moment and reaffirmed the need to rethink this history. I found the older generation believes the past should be remembered and racism still exists, while the younger generation subscribes to a colorblind view of society and wants to move on.     

合之以文齐之以武--圆形团队是一支能打胜仗的团队

孙子悉心要打造一支王霸之兵,故对团队建设高度重视,因为一支能打胜仗的团队是决定战争胜负最重要的条件之一。《孙子兵法》对团队建设和军队治理的阐述,虽零散碎片似的分散在十三篇中,但其逻辑是严谨的、理论是系统的。孙子在《九地篇》中提出了团队建设努力实现的目标:"齐勇若一,政之道也"。孙子又从多方面阐述打造一支圆形的团队对取得战斗胜利所发挥的积极的决定性的作用,并提出了打造圆形团队的实施办法:"合之以文,齐之以武,是谓必取。"即使团队齐心要采用政治、道义、仁爱等引导教育"文"的方法,使团队步调一致要运用军纪、法规等强制硬性"武"的手段,文武并用、软硬兼施、恩威齐下,这样的团队才是能打胜仗的团队。     

Regulating Dutch–Chinese marriages and relationships in the Netherlands (1920–1945)

ABSTRACT

This paper aims to contribute to The History of the Family by researching the historical relationship between family and state, and the roles that the concepts of 'race' and 'mixture' played. To this end, it analyzes the regulation of Chinese–Dutch marriages in the interwar period and Second World War in the Netherlands. It argues that the ways in which these interracial marriages were regulated were informed by colonial discourses on the Chinese as racialized others. This resulted in a systematic pattern of exclusion of Chinese migrants in the Netherlands, in which they were registered, fingerprinted, counted and deported. Part of these discourses focused on Chinese 'interracial' marriages with Dutch white women. This resulted in the 'regulation of mixture' in which state officials aimed to prevent such marriages, through migration law, document requirements and premarital counseling. During the war, these marriages were considered a 'racial shame' and relationships were broken up by arresting Chinese husbands before marriage. More research is needed to learn more about the extent of these practices and to know whether they were applied to racialized groups other than Chinese.