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471.
Doris E. Buss 《Feminist Legal Studies》2009,17(2):145-163
One of the most significant shifts in current thinking on war and gender is the recognition that rape in wartime is not a
simple by-product of war, but often a planned and targeted policy. For many feminists ‘rape as a weapon of war’ provides a
way to articulate the systematic, pervasive, and orchestrated nature of wartime sexual violence that marks it as integral
rather than incidental to war. This recognition of rape as a weapon of war has taken on legal significance at the Rwandan
and Yugoslav Tribunals where rape has been prosecuted as a crime against humanity and genocide. In this paper, I examine how
the Rwanda Tribunal’s record of judgments conceives of rape enacted as an instrument of the genocide. I consider in particular
how the Tribunal’s conception of ‘rape as a weapon of war’ shapes what can be known about sexual violence and gender in the
Rwandan genocide and what cannot, the categories of victims legally recognised and those that are not, and the questions pursued,
and those foreclosed, about the patterns of violence before and during the genocide.
相似文献
Doris E. BussEmail: |
472.
Máté Zombory 《Nationalities Papers》2017,45(6):1028-1046
This article argues that the memory of Communism emerged in Europe not due to the public recognition of pre-given historical experiences of peoples previously under Communist regimes, but to the particularities of the post-Cold War transnational political context. As a reaction to the uniqueness claim of the Holocaust in the power field structured by the European enlargement process, Communism memory was reclaimed according to the European normative and value system prescribed by the memory of the Holocaust. Since in the political context of European enlargement refusing to cultivate the memory of the Holocaust was highly illegitimate, the memory of Communism was born as the “twin brother” of Holocaust memory. The Europeanized memory of Communism produced a legitimate differentia specifica of the newcomers in relation to old member states. It has been publicly reclaimed as an Eastern European experience in relation to universal Holocaust memory perceived as Western. By the analysis of memorial museums of Communism, the article provides a transnational, historical, and sociological account on Communism memory. It argues that the main elements of the discursive repertoire applied in post-accession political debates about the definition of Europe were elaborated before 2004 in a pan-European way. 相似文献
473.
Ashley Jackson 《圆桌》2014,103(2):165-173
Abstract This article gives an overview of the British Empire’s participation in the First World War. The roles of Australia, Canada, India, New Zealand and South Africa are well documented but there was also a significant contribution from and impact on the smaller and more peripheral territories. These are well covered in Sir Charles Lucas’s multi-volume series The Empire at War. Although very much of its time, written for and by an imperial elite and now neglected, it remains an invaluable record. 相似文献
474.
John Slight 《圆桌》2014,103(2):233-242
Abstract This article considers the Sanussiyya Sufi order’s 1915–16 jihad on Egypt from a fresh perspective, analysing British understandings about the attack that soldiers and officials fashioned as the conflict progressed. By incorporating aspects of imperial and Islamic history and a focus on British perceptions, the article presents new directions in the study of the war in the Middle East that move beyond the concerns of older military histories. It analyses three key areas of British thinking in relation to this jihad. First, the belief that local fighters joined the campaign as a result of economic factors, chiefly the famine that swept the Western Desert from November 1915 as a result of an Anglo-Italian blockade, and that the order had little support from the local population owing to their policy of requisitioning goods. Second, the important set of perceptions that the Sanussiyya were pressured by the Ottomans to attack the British as part of their overall call for jihad against the Allied powers. Third, the divided nature of British views around the broader threat posed by the order to Egypt and the wider war effort. Finally, it examines the broader religious and ideological context of the Sanussiyya as an organised reformist Sufi order, engaged in a struggle for resistance to and survival against European imperialism—a struggle that collided with the changed strategic landscape of a region rent by conflict between the Ottoman and British empires from November 1914. 相似文献
475.
Paul Michel Taillon 《Labor History》2016,57(3):390-414
This article considers World War I era labor insurgency through an examination of the 1920 ‘outlaw’ switchmen’s strike, one of the largest rank-and-file revolts of the postwar strike wave. Drawing upon Bureau of Investigation surveillance reports, the article argues the strike represented not so much an expression of a ‘syndicalist impulse’ as a struggle over the definition of the new unionism and the ideological legacy of the war. Inspired by the wartime rhetoric of Americanism and industrial democracy, pressed by the rising cost of living, and frustrated with the failure of the state and their parent unions to deliver living wages, the insurgents briefly succeeded in building democratic, cross-craft unions. The rebel unionists failed, but the ‘Outlaw Strike’ arguably was as important as the later and larger 1922 national shopmen’s strike in the way it highlighted issues of wages, union democracy, and employee representation. 相似文献
476.
Krista A. Goff 《Nationalities Papers》2015,43(1):27-44
This paper highlights campaigns for national rights among two non-titular communities in the Soviet Union and places them in local historical contexts. Drawing on archival sources and oral history interviews, the author not only delves into the campaigns themselves, but also explores broader debates about the nature of Khrushchev's Thaw and Soviet citizenship, which was far from an empty concept in the Khrushchev era. Petitioners invoked discourses that indicate both an awareness of national rights and an expectation of the state's obligation to protect them. Oral history interviews with surviving petitioners and community members support the notion that petition language can serve as a reflection of how petitioners viewed their place in Soviet society and interpreted the Soviet citizen contract. 相似文献
477.
Mina Watanabe 《Journal of Peace Education》2015,12(3):236-246
This article explores the activities and experiences of a women’s peace museum in Japan which especially tries to pass on the history of Japan’s military sexual slavery, or the ‘comfort women’ issue. The system of Japan’s military sexual slavery had not been written as a part of history until courageous survivors testified and documentary evidence was unearthed in the 1990s. With few material exhibits of sexual violence, testimonies play a significant role in the exhibitions. Panels displaying the testimony of both survivors and former soldiers try to represent the person as a whole, situating sexual enslavement or crimes as part of their overall life, rather than extracting the harsh experience in an isolated way. The concrete and detailed activities of this privately run museum show the challenges faced by museums dealing with the dark history of their own country. 相似文献
478.
Calvin Y. Shiroma D.M.D. Chelsey L. Zuerlein R.D.H. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(4):1342-1345
Forensic odontology cases examined from 2012 to 2019 at the Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency (DPAA) laboratory were reviewed. Five cases from World War II and the Korea War were selected. Three of the cases presented involve dental assemblages, which were built by previous analysts. Postmortem radiographic analyses at the DPAA laboratory of these cases were complicated by the use of an older version of a digital x-ray program and the assumption that teeth placed in the parent bone (maxilla and mandible) did not fully articulate due to the presence of debris at their root apices. Conflicting mitochondrial DNA test results for the submitted teeth and previously believed to be parent bone indicated these elements were not from the same individual. The remaining two cases are examples of how knowledge of findings from other disciplines may sway an opinion and could possibly lead to the rendering of erroneous opinions by the forensic odontologist. Having knowledge of previous examinations or results from other scientists, disciplines, and lines of evidence may lead to a bias in findings or opinions. If not careful, even the best-intended scientist may fall victim to a bias in their opinion/analysis. The forensic odontologist should perform all analysis in the blind, not knowing any information which may bias their opinion, and utilize current versions of digital x-ray software available and their tools when performing their examinations. 相似文献
479.
Ota Konrád 《Nationalities Papers》2018,46(5):759-775
The study explores the phenomenon of popular violence in the first months and years after the end of World War I on the basis of a comparison between the Bohemian lands, forming the central part of the newly established Czechoslovakia, and Austria, as another successor state to the former Habsburg monarchy. Aside from the continuities, new forms of violence increasingly emerged in the first years after the end of the war, and also the “language” of violence was transformed. While in Czechoslovakia, the framework within which people were learning to understand the new world was shaped by the national and republican discourse oriented to the future, in Austria the collective identities and mentalities were being formed along the lines of particular party political blocks. In both cases, the nationalization and politicization of violence respectively contributed to the emergence of new forms of popular violence; but at the same time they could also be used for its de-escalation, necessary for the re-integration of society disrupted by the wartime experience. However, even if both countries went out from the war on different paths, the violence stayed part of their political culture and it could be mobilized again. 相似文献
480.
The review article systematizes the current academic debate on U. S. foreign policy after 9/11. The main focus lies on different explanations of the causes and consequences of the “war on terror”. Such a problem-oriented approach mirrors the heterogeneity of the debate which cannot adequately be captured by the conventional categories of IR research and foreign policy analysis. It is fair to say that the analysis of U. S. foreign policy as a case of empirical investigation profits from this disciplinary emancipation. 相似文献