美元霸权地位与伊拉克战争

战后美元的霸权地位为美国带来了巨大经济政治利益。近来美元霸权面临新的挑战。伊拉克战争没有改变 而且将削弱美元的国际地位,但美元霸权的衰落是一个长期和曲折的过程。     

古典现实主义视野下的国际法及其实践影响

随着法西斯主义横行以及二战的爆发,极力推崇国际法与国际组织在维持世界和平方面的作用的理想主义学派迅速衰落,而崇尚权力与均势的古典现实主义学派得以崛起,并占据冷战时期国际关系理论与实践的主导地位。在古典现实主义的强势下,不仅同一时期的国际法学经受了极大的冲击,国际法以及国际组织的实践也受到消极影响。或者说,古典现实主义国际关系理论成为我们理解冷战时期国际法与国际组织实践的一个重要途径。     

略论抗战相持阶段国民政府的军事战略——以南岳军事会议和长沙会战为中心的研究

详细研究国民政府在抗日战争相持阶段军事战略的学术成果不多，且以否定居多。通过研究三次南岳军事会议和四次长沙作战的具体史实，可归纳出此时期国民政府军事战略的四个特点：持久战的总体构想；重视湖南战场，屏蔽大后方；不再一味死守重要城市；应战而不求战的策略。据此可以认为，国民政府基本把握了抗战相持阶段的特点，其军事战略基本上是正确的，即以持久战对抗日本的速决战，以空间换时间。尽管主客观方面的原因使得国民政府在相持阶段的军事战略显得有些保守，但是不加分析地责难其“消极、妥协、退让”，是有些苛求的。     

台湾“高砂义勇队”考论

台湾被割让给日本后,原住民一直是日本殖民主义者严酷镇压和杀戮的对象,在被杀戮与反抗的过程中,“蕃人”(原住民)被改造为“高砂族”。由于太平洋侵略战争的需要,日本殖民主义者多次征召原住民组成“高砂义勇队”奔赴南洋各个战场,充当战争的“炮灰”。随着日本的战败,台湾回归中国,这些原住民组成的“高砂义勇队”也便成了历史难以体认的存在,因为他们从被屠戮者转变为受人驱使的杀戮者,这成为了历史的吊诡。历史学者有责任拨开迷障,揭示历史的真相并给予正确的评判。     

美国公众舆论与战争--以朝鲜战争、越南战争和伊拉克战争为例

本文以朝鲜战争、越南战争和伊拉克战争为例说明美国是最喜欢用武力处理国际关系的国家。战争的伤亡会影响美国的民意,反战的民意进而会影响政策的实施,甚至影响总统竞选连任,但不会制止战争。     

论抗战时期桂林人口伤亡

日军的侵略给桂林带来了巨大的灾难。整个抗战时期,有确凿数据或事实作为依据的官兵阵亡人数 为6729人。根据战争损失专家提出的比例(即负伤与死亡的比例约为2:1)计算,则抗战中桂林籍伤亡的官兵和在 桂林伤亡的其他省籍官兵的人数约为20000人左右。而民众死亡的数量根据人口的发展情况判断应在《广西年鉴》 所记载的数字的基础上再加上1万人,即约为3万人。     

抗战时期陕甘宁边区的干部学校教育述评

研究和总结抗战时期陕甘宁边区的干部学校教育及其特点,对于新时期加强干部学校建设,培养和造就高素质的干部队伍具有重要的意义。     

对“韬光养晦”的哲学审视

摘要：本文简析了“韬光养晦”外交战略的历史与现实,并结合《孙子兵法》的相关论述,指出中国必须全面审视、理解和坚持“韬光养晦”策略,并要正确认识到“韬光养晦”相较于一种手段更是一种价值。该文认为,破除激进主义的简单思维,破除盛世的迷梦,冷静地正视,有效地反击,运用东方文明的智慧,从而最大限度地突破围堵,为国家的和平发展营造最佳的战略环境,才是当前中国外交战略的根本所在。     

Kenneth B. Clark and the problem of power

ABSTRACT

During the early 1960s African American psychologist Kenneth B. Clark, known primarily for his involvement in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education US Supreme Court desegregation decision, began organizing an ambitious anti-poverty programme called Harlem Youth Opportunities Unlimited, Inc. (HARYOU). Dissatisfied by the lack of progress in school desegregation in New York City and discouraged by the inability of traditional social welfare organizations to address the problems of race and poverty, Clark argued that a new approach had to be developed to mobilize the black poor to gain the political and economic power that would solve their problems. At the same time, he theorized that a new form of racial segregation was beginning to develop in urban areas that foreshadowed increasing social isolation, economic dependence and declining municipal services for many African Americans. He called this new development ‘internal colonialism’ and hoped that HARYOU would be a demonstration project in the Kennedy–Johnson administration's War on Poverty that would address these problems from multiple perspectives. Nonetheless, the plan aroused the political opposition of Harlem Congressman Adam Clayton Powell. The dispute with Powell drove Clark from HARYOU and caused him to re-evaluate his thinking regarding African American leadership. He increasingly viewed the ‘ghetto’ as both a prison and a cocoon that satisfied white and black social, economic, political and psychological needs. By the end of his HARYOU experience, Clark coined the term ‘the new American dilemma’ to describe and theorize about an increasingly isolated and powerless black population in many urban centres. The term also signified his belief that the problem of power was intricately tied up in, while also separate from, the problem of race.     

Young Turk Governance in the Ottoman Empire during the First World War

Abstract

The article analyses the system of government of the Ottoman Empire during the First World War by looking at three elements: the constitutional-parliamentarian monarchy, the Committee of Union and Progress and the army. The analysis takes place along two axes: one in which the functioning of, and the power relations between, the different institutional elements are analysed, and one based on a series of case studies of important decision-making moments of the years 1914–18.

The civil-military relations as they developed during the war years are studies in a comparative framework. The Ottoman situation is analysed against the backdrop of changes in the balance of power between military and civilian authorities in other belligerent countries in Europe.

The conclusion is that the Ottoman Empire was a constitutional and parliamentarian monarchy only in name, but that its governance did not turn into a form of military rule either. It was run by the Committee of Union and Progress, but within that, key decisions were taken by changing informal coalitions of power brokers in such a way as to make sure that the two dominant factions, the civilian one led by Talât and the military one led by Enver were in agreement.