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71.
张溪 《政法学刊》2014,(3):11-14
建国初期,新中国面临复杂形势和严峻局面,中国共产党率领中国人民在废除国民党《六法全书》以后,在法律不完备的情况下,创造性通过"运动治国""社论治国"的方式,用指示、规定和命令等政策、媒体和法治的方法,管理和治理国家,形成独特的管理国家的规律,为当下推进国家治理体系和治理能力的现代化,提供有益的借鉴。  相似文献   
72.
This article considers the new spaces for the participation of civil society organisations (CSOs) in local governance that have emerged in Nicaragua between 2000 and 2009, and how government and CSOs interact in these spaces. It discusses the significant changes that have taken place in Nicaraguan local governance during this period, and highlights the challenges for CSOs to engage with these spaces at different points in time. It finds that grassroots CSOs in Managua that based their engagement with the Bolaños government through these spaces on citizenship have been drawn into a more clientelist relationship with Ortega's government.  相似文献   
73.
本文分析了欧债危机对欧洲华裔青少年华文教育的主要影响及分析其造成影响的主要原因,从政府、华文学校和华人家庭的视角,为欧洲华裔青少年华文教育的问题提出相应的对策建议。  相似文献   
74.
欧盟国家非正规就业的迅速发展,使工会面临着严峻的挑战。非正规就业的增加直接冲击了传统工会的基础,使工会会员的绝对和相对人数都有很大降低;同时,工会领导的劳工运动长期忽略对非正规就业的权利保护,非正规就业工人难以获得与正规就业平等的待遇。因此,欧盟国家工会需要在增加非正规就业会员和就业监管策略两方面做战略性调整,以应对非正规就业的挑战。  相似文献   
75.
This article examines the impact on national law and policy of two Directives on combating discrimination adopted by the EU in 2000. It considers the extent to which their transposition has resulted in the 'Europeanisation' of anti-discrimination law and whether this implies convergence in the direction of a common model. Two themes are examined: the list of protected grounds of discrimination and the creation of equality institutions. All 27 states have introduced legal reforms in response to the Directives and a loose level of convergence can be identified. Nevertheless, specific national traditions have proved resilient, for example, shaping the meaning attached to terms such as 'disability' or the structure and powers of equality bodies.  相似文献   
76.
This article argues that throughout its history, the leadership of the Labour Party has chosen to embrace a benign view of the Civil Service, as part of a wider acceptance of the constitutional status quo reflected in the Westminster model. There has nevertheless been a long tradition in the wider Labour movement that has questioned whether Whitehall is capable of working for a government with radical aspirations. This article examines Labour's historical approach towards Whitehall, before reflecting on the extent to which the present Administration, while appealing to radical and reforming rhetoric has, like its predecessors, continued to embrace the status quo. It concludes by arguing that a contemporary and credible narrative capable of challenging the Westminster model has yet to emerge from the broader movement.  相似文献   
77.
How effective are autonomous audit agencies (AAAs) in curbing corruption and improving fiscal governance in emerging economies? AAAs are autonomous oversight agencies tasked with scrutinising government finances. However, they are not as effective as they could or should be, partly because of the political constraints they face and the political economy context in which they are embedded. This article assesses the performance and trajectory of the Argentine AAA. It suggests that AAAs can have only a limited impact when formal fiscal institutions are undermined by informal practices and undercut by adverse political incentives. It further highlights the limits of radical reform strategies based on the import of exogenous institutional models. This research has important research and policy implications for the reform and strengthening of AAAs in developing countries. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
78.
Why are some local governments more successful than others in managing resources and delivering services? And even more vitally, how can malfunctioning governments be reformed so that they perform their responsibilities more effectively? This article contributes to our understanding of theses overarching questions by exploring the interactions between political institutions and public sector performance in the context of decentralisation and local governance. It shows–both theoretically and empirically–that performance outcomes are determined by the extent to which people can hold their governments accountable through political institutions. The basic hypothesis underlying this research is that political accountability, either by encouraging sanctions upon non‐compliant public agents or simply by reducing the informational gap regarding government activities, will create forceful incentives for elected officials and civil servants to reduce opportunistic behaviour and improve performance. Using a cross‐sectional regression the hypothesis is empirically tested against evidence from newly empowered local governments in Indonesia. The empirical findings broadly support our hypotheses. Improved public services on the ground, both in terms of quantity and quality, require informed and well functioning decision‐making processes that allocate resources to priority areas that meet the demand of the broader community. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
79.
Drawing on interviews with former political leaders and senior public servants, this article maps the values that have guided asylum policy decisions over the past three decades. The findings support the view that a culture of control permeates policy decisions, but pushing deeper, that policy‐maker perceptions of asylum issues are shaped by two primary values: nation building and good governance. Values that tend to preoccupy policy critics, for example human rights, compassion, international legal obligations and national character, are by no means absent, but are subsumed within and harnessed to the desire to be a good engineer and responsible governor. The study adds to the insights required for constructive dialogue between governments and refugee advocates, and affords a comprehensive framework within which asylum policy can be understood and analysed.  相似文献   
80.
Transparency has recently become a widely supported norm of information regulation within and among states. Transparency may be a widely accepted element of good governance, but it has a number of dimensions and manifestations. This article is among the first to examine the relationship between public sector transparency at the domestic and global levels. While the extant literature suggests that we should expect a strong relationship between the degree of a jurisdiction’s domestic and global commitments to public sector transparency, our sample of the 33 jurisdictions for which data are available finds no such correlation. The article develops an explanation of this unexpected finding, which highlights the varied incentives to implement transparency-promoting reforms that different jurisdictions experience. This analysis suggests that many developing countries engage in marginal participation across regimes. More concerning are possible cases of mock compliance where states participate in transparency regimes without the intention of fully implementing their commitments. Mock compliance is of particular concern in the sphere of global governance in which sovereignty is contested and compliance mechanisms face unique challenges.  相似文献   
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