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221.
How does executive power-sharing in multiparty democracies influence voter decision-making? The current scholarship has identified two strategies that voters use to target coalitions and that involve voting for a minor party: Coalition insurance voting and compensatory voting. Yet these strategies are not differentiated conceptually, and empirically, are observationally equivalent. By foregrounding the role of policy signals in strategic voting for minor parties, the present study disentangles these strategies at the theoretical and empirical levels. It also proposes a new, hybrid, strategy. To do so, it uses data on the 2013 and 2017 German federal elections from campaign-period surveys, polls and an original dataset of the candidates’ tweets about policy issues. The results show evidence of policy-driven voters using a hybrid strategy in 2013 and a compensatory strategy in 2017. There is no evidence of coalition insurance voting in these elections. 相似文献
222.
What is the discipline of Public Administration (PA) ultimately for? The German community has recently entered new deliberations on this recurrent question, with several papers and workshops addressing the present and future of their national discipline. This article uses original survey data to introduce the views of the German community at large and analyzes intellectual commonalities against a background of institutional fragmentation. It scrutinizes preferences for epistemological positions, research aims, and publication strategies, while also investigating potentials for cooperation through interdisciplinary exchange and theoretical or thematic concordance. The results show a community in intellectual crisis. Faced with fears of decreasing reputation and influence, German PA is still divided about its purpose and separated by disciplinary borders. 相似文献
223.
In 2015, Germany experienced a record high influx of refugees – and received international praise for its ‘welcome culture’. At the same time, however, attacks on refugees rose to an alarming level. This article describes the distribution of these attacks and probes their causes, using detailed socioeconomic and political data while modelling a hierarchical data structure. Controlling for further relevant factors taken from the extant literature, the analysis first tests whether the strength of extreme right political parties plays a role and, second, it models a contagion effect, taking into account spatial as well as temporal proximity. The findings suggest that the strength of right-wing parties in a district considerably boosts the probability of attacks on refugees in that area. They also corroborate the idea of behavioural contagion. The set of social-structural variables employed as controls yielded only limited explanatory power. 相似文献
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德国检察官在刑事诉讼中的作用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
程德文 《国家检察官学院学报》2006,14(4):152-159
在德国,指挥侦查和提起公诉是刑事诉讼法赋予检察官的基本职能.但实际上,对犯罪案件的侦查基本上是由警察独立完成的.而随着起诉便宜主义的兴起,检察官在审前阶段对于案件的过滤作用显得极为重要.过去只有在审判阶段而且只能由法官做出的决定,检察官在审前程序中也逐渐能够独自做出.因而,检察官的司法官角色在不断得到强化.相应地,由检察官起诉到法院的案件只占全部案件的较小部分.从实际的作用看,检察官越来越成为德国刑事司法体系的中心角色. 相似文献
226.
Evelyne Hübscher 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2019,25(1):88-118
This paper examines two crucial questions related to coalition politics and representative democracies. How do parties’ ideological positions translate into cabinet policy positions? And how does the relative impact of parties vary over the legislative term. Using an original dataset of 74 social and budgetary laws from nine German coalition governments, the paper shows that, on average, government parties influence cabinet policy position according to their relative strength. However, the relative impact of coalition parties varies significantly during the term. At the beginning of the term in office, the policy positions of the cabinet are representative of the overall cabinet ideology, but the policy positions strongly move towards the position of the party representing the median when the next election approaches. 相似文献
227.
Alexander Rossell Hayes Carolyn Marie Dudek 《Journal of immigrant & refugee studies》2020,18(2):133-150
AbstractAt the outset of the 2015 refugee crisis, Germany pursued an accepting asylum policy, potentially to mitigate its declining population. Austria, facing the same demographic challenges, closed itself to refugees. Differences in radical right-wing populism (RRP) in the two countries provide the basis for understanding their asylum policies. After the Second World War, Germany’s collective memory stigmatized far-right parties, while Austria’s did not. The radicalization spiral reproduces these differences today, allowing Austria’s Freedom Party to influence migration policy by pulling voters and mainstream parties to the right, while Germany’s RRP parties were unable to do the same before the crisis. 相似文献
228.
Joachim Schild 《West European politics》2020,43(5):1072-1094
AbstractThis paper contributes to the scholarly debate on hegemony and leadership in international relations and elaborates on an analytical framework to assess the nature, scope, functions and causal mechanisms of hegemonic and non-hegemonic leadership in general terms. Based on this framework, it takes issue with the interpretation of Germany’s role during the euro area crisis as being a hegemonic one. Discussing the concepts of hegemony, leadership and dominance, it argues that Germany proved dominant during the euro area crisis on selected issues, mainly using its veto power. On other issues, Berlin provided non-hegemonic leadership, more often than not asymmetric co-leadership shared with France. It did not play the role of a hegemon, however, lacking the resources and being unable to shape decisively the economic constitution of the euro area along the lines of its core preferences. 相似文献
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230.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):27-45
Abstract Kauders sets out to examine three interrelated topics: the nature of antisemitism after the Second World War; the continuity in thinking about the Jews in the twentieth century; and the problem of responsibility inherent in any analysis of the events surrounding the Holocaust. In what follows, emphasis is placed on the Catholic and Protestant churches in the Bavarian capital of Munich, whose reactions to Jew-hatred before 1933 and after 1945 are studied in some detail. Several conclusions emerge from this investigation. Both churches embraced völkisch thinking before 1933, without approving of violent manifestations of racialist thought. Both Catholics and Protestants, whenever they defended the Jews before the rise of Hitler, did so in order to safeguard Christian dogma, and in particular the value of the Old Testament as well as the Jewish origins of Jesus and Paul. After 1945 clerics employed language that ignored events between 1933 and 1945, describing the ‘Jewish question’ as if the issue was still embedded in Weimar politics; they did so because they assumed that a majority of Germans had been innocent of any wrongdoing, so that a pre-1933 image of ‘the Jew’ (which did not allow for extremism and violence) could be re-adopted with impunity after 1945. Christian views began to change in the late 1950s and early 1960s, when Jews were increasingly seen as Others who were to be respected as such. Although German-Jewish irreconcilability was thereby cemented, this shift also entailed an acceptance as opposed to a denial of the Jew as different from Christians and ‘Germans’. 相似文献