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31.
在交易成本经济学的治理概念当中,专用性资产是组织结构选择的重要的依据方式。虽然专用性资本的存在会相应的导致套牢问题,但是,专用性资产投资所具有的所有权、专用性、关系性三个特点,同时也可以对机会主义进行有效的限制。  相似文献   
32.
公民的政策参与是现代的公共政策的基石。尤其是非营利组织兴起以来,这种参与由公民的个体参与转变为组织性的活动。非营利组织在公共政策的制定过程中也越来越占据重要地位,虽然它本身还有很多局限性。作为公共政策的制定者——政府,应该积极主动的为非营利组织的发展创造良好的环境,并主动吸取非营利组织参与政策制定。  相似文献   
33.
张娜 《当代韩国》2014,(4):76-85
本文以迄今影响力最大的韩国凤山假面舞为研究对象,通过对凤山假面舞的演出形式特征,内容情节,假面的颜色、线条、表情等方面进行考察,运用文化功能理论,分析了凤山假面舞的社会功能和艺术价值。从而,揭示出韩国凤山假面舞具有宗教功能、调控功能、凝聚功能等社会功能和"寓褒贬,别善恶"的艺术特征。结论部分指出:凤山假面舞作为一种传统文化现象,它所具有的社会功能和艺术价值就是其传承发展的文化迫力,而韩国人充分认识到了传统文化的社会功能,这一点值得借鉴。  相似文献   
34.
When does a country's social structure foster the development of territorialized party systems? This article argues that electoral geography – defined as the interaction between the geography of social diversity and electoral rules– is key to answering this question. I make two claims: first, the impact of geographically concentrated diversity on party system territorialization depends on the proportionality of electoral rules. Second, the types of geographic cleavages (ethnic versus economic) and whether they are overlapping or cross-cutting also affects the likelihood of party system territorialization (conditional on the electoral system). I test these claims with an original dataset measuring party system territorialization in 382 elections across 60 countries that also includes comparable cross-national measures of different types of geographically concentrated diversity (language, race, religion and income). The main conclusion is that proportional electoral systems and cross-cutting cleavages can act as a powerful constraint on the translation of territorial ethnic cleavages into territorialized party systems.  相似文献   
35.
伪科学现象泛滥有历史根源和社会根源。但是,部分党员干部在思想认识上、工作上的失误更是一 个不可忽视的原因。迷恋伪科学与我们党的理想、信念是格格不入的。支持或直接参与伪科学活动的党员干 部则是不可原谅的。  相似文献   
36.
本文从农村合作经济组织的法律地位,《农村合作经济组织法》的基本原则,主体间的关系及权利义务,合作经济组织的设立、变更和撤销以及制定《农村合作经济组织法》应处理好两个关系等五个方面对论题进行了论述.旨在为促进我国农村双层经营体制的进一步发展、完善提供一些法律意见.  相似文献   
37.
明治维新后,伴随着近代学校教育制度的诞生,日本的社会教育也应运而生。本研究不仅考证了社会教育在日本的由来,确认了社会教育乃日本明治以后出现的特有的教育形态;并从教化型、民主型、终身型等三方面厘清了日本不同历史时期学者对社会教育的多元界定;而且对日本的社会教育和社会事业、社会政策、国家教育、国民教育、家庭教育、学校教育、终身教育、终身学习、成人教育、社区教育等相关概念的区别与联系进行了辨析。在此基础上,归纳了日本社会教育概念的五个特征,即丰富多样性、暧昧模糊性、服务主体性、法律健全性、实践追求性等。  相似文献   
38.
ABSTRACT

The Dayton Peace Agreement ended the violence in Bosnia–Herzegovina, however, it also solidified antagonistic political identities leading to the creation of two social contracts: an ‘elite social contract’ involving primarily political elites of the main ethnic groups and an ‘everyday social contract’ involving ordinary citizens trying to manage a complex social and economic environment. The first social contract is hegemonic, however, alternative, non-nationalist views are slowly emerging. Grassroots groups, the surviving remnants of inter-ethnic coexistence, the integrating pull of market forces and the presence of a large diaspora all constitute resources for the creation of a resilient national social contract.  相似文献   
39.
This paper addresses B. F. Skinner's utopian vision for enhancing social justice and human well‐being as it was introduced in his 1948 novel, Walden Two. In the first part, we address the historical, intellectual, and social context that situates the book in the utopian genre, the critiques of its premises and practices, and the fate of intentional communities patterned on the book. In the second part, we review practices in Skinner's book that advance social justice and human well‐being under the themes of health, wealth, and wisdom, and then focus on contemporary practices that are the legacy of his vision. His vision was neither the a priori truth of a particular premise about human behavior or a necessary practice (blueprint) for an intentional community but rather the use of empirical methods to discover premises and practices that work to advance the health, wealth, and wisdom of individuals and survival of the culture.  相似文献   
40.
Abstract

While many studies have identified an association between social class and economic preferences, we know little about the implications of changes in class location for these preferences. This article assesses how social class and intra-generational class mobility affect economic preferences drawing on longitudinal data from the British Household Panel Survey. In doing so, the article adopts a post-industrial perspective that considers horizontal and vertical class divisions. Even when time-invariant characteristics of individuals are kept constant (through fixed-effects estimation), it is found that both vertical and horizontal class location explain economic preferences. Thus, these estimations suggest that social class moulds preferences, even when accounting for factors that can lead to selection into classes. Moreover, people who change classes hold different economic preferences than their peers in the class of origin, but do not completely assimilate into their class of destination. This implies that growing intra-generational class mobility could undermine the class basis of political conflict.  相似文献   
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