Reply to my critics

ABSTRACT

This paper offers an overview of the central argument of my book, Territorial Sovereignty, and replies to four critics.     

Towards a school constitution for freedom -- a comparative analysis in Western and Eastern Europe

This article shows the recent European discussion on and developments in the reform of school government and administration. This reorganisation is directed at reducing state influence and widening self-responsibility of schools. It is a part of a general development towards decentralisation and deregulation, subsidiarity and plurality in civil society. This overview, with illustrations from different countries, shows a general agreement in Western and Eastern Europe that the humanisation of education must also be promoted through liberalisation and democratisation of decision-making. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Exploring Sovereignty in Scotland

It is often said that sovereignty is ever less meaningful in the modern world. Yet, sovereignty claims continue to proliferate. There are two elements: the subject of self-determination (sovereignty) claims and the object. Scottish independence and Brexit are two examples, yet they differ in important ways. Brexit postulates that the British people are the subject and complete sovereignty is the object. The Scottish independence movement claims the Scottish people is the subject but now places the object (independence) in a European context of shared sovereignty. Analysis of questions placed in the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey (2021) shows that, in spite of Scottish politics being polarised around the issue of independence vs. union, voters show flexibility about what each of these actually means.     

人工智能时代的主体性之忧:法理学如何回应

近代以来,人超越于他物的主体性得以确立,其内容包括不可侵犯的人格尊严、自主决定、在社会和政治生活中具有重要性以及基于自身目的利用自然。然而,人工智能已经从以下方面挑战了人的主体性:冲击了人格尊严的基础,削弱了自主决定,降低了人在社会生活中的重要性。因此,亟需法理学基于整体性反思和价值视角予以回应。法理学应采取的立场包括:注重人的道德主体性以彰显其独特性,明确反对赋予人工智能法律人格,坚持对人工智能涉主体性应用的合法性审查。     

Recognition as if sovereigns? A procedural understanding of indigenous self-determination

In the last two decades we have witnessed a growing global acknowledgement of indigenous rights – manifested in the 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples – challenging the traditional nation-state-centred understanding of political rights and democracy. In this paper, the author argues that indigenous self-determination is to be understood as a way to level the balance of power between indigenous peoples and the nation-states in which they live. Without a solid legal foundation for indigenous peoples to define self-determination in their own languages and to negotiate the conditions of their relation with the nation-states on their own terms, the colonial past (and present) of violent conquest and domination might continue. Indigenous peoples' right to self-determination ought in this perspective to imply recognition of indigenous peoples as having a standing equal to nation-states, i.e. as if they were sovereigns. What self-determination means in political practice would thus be the outcome of negotiations between two (or more) equal political entities. In this way, the right to self-determination has to be interpreted procedurally rather than substantially.     

Contracting for Indigenous Health Care: Towards Mutual Accountability

In Australia and other industrialised countries, governments contract with the non‐government sector for the provision of primary health care to indigenous peoples. Australian governments have developed policies and funding programs to support this health sector, but the current arrangements are unduly complex and fragmented. The results of our study show that the complex contractual environment for Aboriginal Community‐Controlled Health Services (ACCHSs) and their funders is an unintended but inevitable result of a quasi‐classical approach to contracts applied by multiple funders. The analysis in this article highlights potential policy and program changes that could improve the effectiveness of funding and accountability arrangements, based on the use of an alliance contracting model, better performance indicators and greater clarity in the relative roles of national and jurisdictional governments.     

… and still we are left wanting: Malta's White Paper on digital rights

CLSR welcomes occasional comment pieces on issues of current importance in the law and technology field from different jurisdictions. In this instance the Government of Malta published a White Paper in October 2012 for public consultation, proposing the introduction of the following four so-called “digital rights” in the Constitution of Malta: (1) the right to Internet access; (2) the right to informational access; (3) the right to informational freedom and (4) the right to digital informational self-determination. The author believes that the proposal is indeed a step in the right direction but lacks punch where it matters most and does not go far enough.     

Evidence and Contestation in the Indigenous Policy Domain: Voice,Ideology and Institutional Inequality

There is a tension in the evidence‐based policy paradigm as it concerns Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, particularly with regard to their standing as evidence providers. Aboriginal people in Australia have primarily been seen as a ‘problem to be solved’ and racialised views of Aboriginal competence have allowed for past policy, now recognised as harmful, to be justified as being ‘for their own good’. This article considers some of the complexities of the evidence‐based policy paradigm as it applies to the Indigenous policy domain, arguing that in such a turbulent field the use of evidence is inevitably ideological and selective. The article concludes that, in light of persistent institutional inequalities, including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander voices and perspectives in genuine dialogue about policy is the only way to navigate this difficult terrain with any chance of success.     

Indigenous voters and party system fragmentation in Latin America

This article shows that ethnic cleavages have contributed to electoral fragmentation in Latin America, but not in the way that the social cleavages literature would expect. It finds that party system fragmentation in the region is not correlated with ethnic diversity, but rather with the proportion of the population that is indigenous. The failure of the main parties to adequately represent indigenous people, it argues, has led indigenous voters to shift their support to a variety of smaller populist and leftist parties, which has produced high levels of party system fragmentation in indigenous areas. Where a significant indigenous party has emerged, however, indigenous voters have flocked to that party, which has reduced party system fragmentation. Analyses of sub-national electoral data from Bolivia, Ecuador, Guatemala, and Peru provide support for these arguments.     

Understanding the Elevated Risk of Partner Violence Against Aboriginal Women: A Comparison of Two Nationally Representative Surveys of Canada

Using two large-scale representative samples of Canada collected in 1999 and 2004, this study examined Aboriginal women’s elevated risk for violent victimization relative to non-Aboriginal women. Aboriginal women had about four times the odds of experiencing violence compared to non-Aboriginal women in both surveys. In general, there were fewer differences in the impact of risk factors between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal women in the 2004 than the 1999 survey, resulting in risk factors accounting for less of Aboriginal women’s elevated odds of experiencing violence in the 2004 than the 1999 survey. In both surveys, controlling for all available risk factors did not fully account for Aboriginal women’s elevated odds of experiencing violence. Results were consistent with the theory that much of Aboriginal women’s elevated odds of violent victimization may be linked to colonization. Future research is needed to provide direct evidence of a connection between cultural loss and Aboriginal women’s elevated odds of violent victimization.