对国际货物运输法统一化努力的思考

《联合国全程或者部分海上国际货物运输合同公约》是国际社会为推进国际货物运输法的统一而作的又一次努力。结合这一统一化运动,分析国际货物运输法统一化的动因、悖论、成果的局限性以及中国在这一过程中所起的作用,并对国际货物运输法统一化给予客观的评价。     

国际视角下我国中医药知识产权立法的思考

在中医药事业发展过程中,知识产权立法保护已成为不可回避的重要问题。通过对国际传统医药知识产权立法保护情况的分析,提出完善我国中医药知识产权立法的思路和对策。     

当下国际金融监管法律制度改革的焦点与问题

由美国次贷危机引发的国际金融危机爆发后,国际社会出台的金融改革方案都把国际金融监管法律制度的改革作为整个金融改革的不可或缺的有机组成部分,这是金融全球化条件下防控金融风险和危机的需要和必然反映。从目前来看,加强和健全国际监管规则和标准、健全国际监管责任的划分、建立国际金融监管机构等方面,是国际金融监管法律制度改革的焦点。国际金融监管法律制度的改革关系着国际间利益的分配,我国对每一项国际金融监管法律制度的改革都应视其情况,研究和采取恰当的策略。     

晚近国际投资争端解决实践之评判:“全球治理”理论的引入

晚近国际投资争端的性质已由以往的政治性争端转变为现行的管理性争端,相应地,国际投资争端的传统外交保护解决方式也已为国际仲裁方式所取代,而且国际投资争端仲裁实践出现了明显的偏袒外国投资者,损害东道国权益之倾向。就此,已难以用传统的南北矛盾理论框定,而现有的商事仲裁理论和国内公法理论则存在着不同程度的缺失,需要引入一种视野更为宽广的全球治理理论予以弥补。     

暴力与屠杀:刑法上的“敌人”还是刑法上的“不人道”

法律对屠杀问题的回应,始终在两种模式之间徘徊:一种是以国家刑法为给养来源的刑法上的敌人模式,另一种是源于国际刑法的刑法上的不人道模式。后者更适合屠杀的定性标准,它暗示了在大量死难者面前,对人性的否定。建立刑法上的不人道模式需要回应三个方面的问题:第一,罪的含义;第二,归责;第三,惩罚的实质。首先,根据《国际刑事法院规约》第7条,我们至少可以认为反人道模式中被保护的人性包含着两个相辅相成的要素:每个人的特殊性,以及每个人都平等地归属于人类共同体。其次,在归责问题上,我们不能满足于只制裁处于权力链条最顶端的人,还必须考虑等级体系的所有级别。最后在惩罚实质上,我们不仅要在刑罚制裁上考虑惩罚的本质,而且还需要从修复以及协商的角度看待这一问题。文章最后指出,刑法上的不人道模式成为一个可以实现的、普世的理想,尚需国际法与国内法的合作以及各个学科之间的协力。     

培育中药产业的国际竞争力

中医中药是中华民族的文化瑰宝,是数千年来中国人民防病、治病经验的结晶。随着中国加入WTO和中医药整体竞争优势的增强,一些国家对中医药的认识不断提高;同时,天然药物市场的壮大及其对中药类产品的接纳,我国中药产业的发展面临良好的机遇,但也面临着多方面的挑战。立足于中药行业的发展环境,着眼于中药行业的发展现状,剖析中药在国际市场竞争中存在的问题,并从建立中药现代研究开发体系,形成科技先导型中药产业,提高产业集中度和拓展中医药进入国际医药市场的渠道四个方面提出对策。     

第十八届国际艾滋病大会综述

第十八届国际艾滋病会议于2010年7月在维也纳召开。会议主要讨论了同性恋、性工作和吸毒非罪化问题及关于艾滋病强制检测、艾滋病隐私和艾滋病传播犯罪问题。此外,有可能开发成功降低艾滋病感染风险的药物和有效预防艾滋病的疫苗。中国代表团参加会议并介绍了我国艾滋病防治的情况。     

Strategy and Selection in International Relations

It is widely recognized that many of the samples we use for statistical analysis in international politics are the result of some selection process. Not surprisingly, selection models are becoming increasingly popular. At the same time, the role of strategic interaction has begun to play a more important role in statistical analyses. However, it has not been clear how statistical strategic models and selection models relate to each other, or what the effects are of employing one when the other is the more appropriate model. In this article, I 1) clarify why international relations scholars cannot shield themselves from selection bias simply by assuming their results are limited to a given sample; 2) show how recent statistical strategic models relate to traditional selection models and generalize the two sets of models by deriving a correlated strategic model; and 3) examine the effects of misspecifying either correlated errors or strategic interaction. My results indicate that failure to model the strategic interaction produces worse specification error than failure to account for correlated disturbances. In fact, traditional bivariate probit models appear to be superior only when states are almost completely uncertain about each others' preferences.     

Buying treaties with cigarettes: Internal side‐payments in two level games

Two‐level games models predict that domestic division within a state can alter the extent to which that state is able to reach agreements with other states, and also alter the content of any agreement that is reached. I extend the model by introducing internal side‐payments composed of unrelated domestic issues. Domestic opposition to an international agreement will inhibit cooperation most when the executive and median legislators are in relative agreement about other salient domestic political issues. Domestic opposition to an international agreement will inhibit cooperation least when the executive and median legislators are in relative disagreement about other salient domestic political issues. U.S. ratifications of the NAFTA and the Chemical Weapons Convention illustrate that not all types of domestic division inhibit international cooperation—some can facilitate it     

Environmental effects of GATT/WTO membership: an empirical evaluation

ABSTRACT

One of the great questions for scholars of international relations and economics concerns the relationship between the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the natural environment. Does membership in the multilateral trade regime constrain environmental regulation and increase the environmental burden of national economies? Do countries pay a heavy environmental price for trade liberalization? Although this question has been debated extensively, there is little statistical evidence to contribute the debate. We provide a comprehensive statistical analysis of the environmental effects of joining the multilateral trade regime. We collected data on a variety of environmental policies, institutions, and outcomes that should be influenced by the General Agreementon Tariffs and Trade (GATT)/WTO membership if the predictions of environmental pessimists or optimists are valid. A wide range of statistical models designed to identify the causal effect of the GATT/WTO on the environmental indicators shows that joining the GATT/WTO does not have negative effects on environmental quality.