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111.
美国和日本刑事证据开示制度证据开示制度在诉讼双方开示证据方面的义务、证据开示的范围、时间、地点及违反证据 开示规则的法律后果有许多区别,中国有必要借鉴美日等国家的证据开示立法,制定一个单行的证据开示规则,建立一个符合中国司 法实际,具有中国特色的证据开示制度。 相似文献
112.
Debbie Sharnak 《Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies》2017,23(3):383-398
This article examines the nature and type of women’s activism before, during, and after Uruguay’s dictatorship, arguing that advocacy during the latter part of the country’s military rule paved the way for an increased role for women in society after democracy was restored. Focusing on the female-led movement to place the 1986 Ley de Caducidad (Law of Expiry or amnesty law) before a national referendum, it analyzes how women marshaled a gendered identity that had been effective in campaigning against the military. Through examining connections between earlier women’s movements and the 1980s, the article explores how challenging a key piece of legislation in the recently restored democratic environment ultimately forged a new era of activism for women in post-authoritarian Uruguay. The article ultimately rethinks the process of Uruguay’s transition, the continual negotiations over what is included in human rights discourse, and the importance of gendered activism in transitional societies. 相似文献
113.
吴心怡 《胜利油田党校学报》2014,(2):97-100
美国虽然没有思想政治教育的概念,但思想政治教育工作在美国得到了很大的重视而且卓有成效。思想政治教育的社会化是美国思想政治教育的一个重要特色,也是美国思想政治教育之所以能取得成效的一个重要原因。了解美国思想政治教育社会化的特色,并研究集中体现其社会化特色的美国社会性教育途径,对于加强和改进我国思想政治教育具有重要的启示和借鉴作用。 相似文献
114.
Carlos Soriano Cienfuegos 《Boletín mexicano de derecho comparado / Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, UNAM》2013,46(136):125-164
This work presupposes the existence of a family of laws which can be situated in the extensive system of codified laws based on the Roman tradition, and within it a Latin American group, and seeks to organize the material within the context in which it has been produced, with the aim of achieving greater comprehension of the formation of the private law in Latin America, highlighting the models and influences used, the intervention of jurists and the significance it took on for the different societies, the characteristics of the mentioned process and the causes for its early or tardy consolidation. 相似文献
115.
Dirk Kruit 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2001,20(4):409-430
In the context of the Cold War and accompanied by the doctrines of National Security, authoritarian and often repressive military or civil-military regimes emerged in a number of Latin American countries. However, military regimes were not the only ones contributing to the formation of societies mutilated by fear and terror. During the last four decades, the continent became affected by a cycle of violence that involved various armed actors, from the armed forces to the guerrilla, from the paramilitaries to the narcotics-trafficking Mafia, or from the committees of self-defence to the 'common' criminals. This article focuses on the persistence of military influence and organised political violence more general in post-authoritarian and indeed post-Cold War Latin America. After briefly reviewing the historical legacy of so-called 'political armies' in the region as a whole, I offer an assessment of the consequences of this legacy for the current agenda of democratic consolidation in Latin America. Two possible scenarios are examined: that of fairly progressive democratisation and civilianisation of politics, and that of the re-emergence of violence despite the formal rule of democracy. In the latter scenario, de facto harsh and violent regimes collide with a growing array of rival perpetrators of political and other forms of organised violence. 相似文献
116.
Christopher A. Badurek 《Development in Practice》2009,19(2):248-258
The development of a cadastral system for the Republic of Guatemala was one of the priorities of the 1997 Peace Accord which ended 30 years of civil war. In response to uncertainty about land ownership and land titles, the development of a national cadastre, the equitable distribution of land, and transparent records of land tenancy are viewed as key to maintaining peace in Guatemala. This article addresses the most significant barriers to developing a National Land Information System to support cadastral reform. Interviews with government agencies indicate that, although technical improvements can be readily implemented, social problems and governance factors seriously hinder the completion of the cadastral process. These findings are discussed in the light of international aid and development policy. 相似文献
117.
自奥巴马政府上台以来,美国开始推行战略重心东移政策,将战略重点从欧洲、中东地区转向亚太。在一系列的战略举措中,美国渐渐展露出其战略重心东移的特点。本篇文章将从大战略的视角,对美国战略重心东移的特点进行剖析。 相似文献
118.
廖百智 《江南社会学院学报》2015,(2):16-20
"阿拉伯之春"既有颜色革命的部分特征,但又不等同于颜色革命。它指的是发端于突尼斯继而几乎席卷整个阿拉伯世界的,为推动政府进行自上而下的改革乃至要求推翻本国专制政体的自发的、内生性的街头运动。阿拉伯世界政局动荡的内部原因是其各自国内积重难返的政治、经济问题,外部原因在于美西方十几年来不断在该地区进行的"民主"渗透。美西方在阿拉伯世界强推西式民主,在经济、政治、安全三方面酿成一系列的苦果并形成恶性循环,客观上使阿拉伯民众对西方"民主""自由"的幻想趋于破灭,将使中东地区在很长时期内都难有宁日。 相似文献
119.
Lisa Ringhofer 《Development in Practice》2015,25(3):321-332
This article applies functional time use (FTU) analysis towards understanding inequalities in developing countries and the relevant relationships among the use of time, gendered divisions of labour, and the household economy. In so doing, it proposes one way of approaching the development concept of “time poverty”. The findings from an empirical study of an indigenous village in the Bolivian Amazon illustrate a heavier overall labour burden of the female population across all age groups. The paper also argues for FTU analysis as an analytic tool for gender-sensitive analysis with a potential to inform the work of development practitioners. 相似文献
120.
刘俊祥 《甘肃行政学院学报》2012,(1):56-66,127
对于“占领华尔街”运动所暴露出的美国社会贫富差距扩大和两级分化现象,可以用美国学者保罗·克鲁格曼的“不平等政治”与“平等政治”相互转换的分析理论来解释。在他看来,美国的政治与经济社会之间的关系是政治的平等或不平等决定着经济社会的平等或不平等;美国不平等政治与平等政治的转换经历了“严重不平等”的“前新政”时期、“相对平等”的“新政”时期和“高度不平等”的保守主义政治时期这三个阶段;美国正面临着走向新平等政治并实现贫富差距“大缓和”的历史机遇。然而,“占领华尔街”运动却表明,美国的不平等政治仍然在延续,美国至今未能从制度上解决“平等一不平等政治”周期性转换这一政治不公平问题。由此可以得出如下启示:在当今世界各国包括中国,有“良知”的政治学家和政治家,不仅要推进民主政治,还应该正视“平等一不平等政治”的周期率,并努力超越不平等政治,施行公平政治,以此推进经济社会的公平发展。 相似文献