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151.
Natalia Forrat 《后苏联事务》2016,32(4):299-337
This article argues that Vladimir Putin's regime launched support programs for the leading Russian universities in 2005 because of a perceived threat of the political mobilization of youth, similar to the one that triggered “color revolutions” in Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine. The support programs created cleavages in the university community, covered an attack on university autonomy, and made the containment of possible anti-regime student mobilization a part of an implicit agreement between the regime and the universities. The historical coincidence of the “demographic hole,” which caused a shrinkage of the higher education market, and high oil prices, which provided the necessary resources for the regime, made this implicit agreement possible. The article contributes to the research on authoritarianism, youth mobilization, authoritarian backlash after the color revolutions, and the development of research universities in Russia. 相似文献
152.
Amanda Snellinger 《亚洲研究》2016,48(1):27-49
This article analyzes Nepali student activists’ resistance and resilience as strategies that foreground their aspirations within existing political constructs. While they may enter into party politics through student organizations, they downplay their roles as political party foot soldiers. By focusing on their creative strategies and coping mechanisms during the political movement that ousted the monarchy in 2006, I highlight the nature of hope in youth political action through a common phrase they use: “Let's see what happens.” Using the concept of “subjunctive instrumentality” and ethnographic engagement, I analyze students’ internal micro-politics alongside public protests to demonstrate how they interweave the categories of idealism and opportunism, simultaneously inhabiting both in a way that makes politics personal and the personal political. These student activists’ “not-yet” orientation, in which they mobilize political, temporal, and symbolic contingencies, provides alternative templates for the present and visions for the future. 相似文献
153.
Richard Stansfield 《Justice Quarterly》2016,33(4):708-728
In recent years, juvenile justice systems have shown renewed interest in ensuring effective programming and support for young offenders as they reenter the community. These services often focus on suitable accommodations, education, work-based employment, and engagement in conventional activities. Recent studies also suggest, however, that these services may not have the desired impact in the community (i.e. desistance) if underlying community-level risk factors are not attended to. This may especially be the case for young offenders. Given the developmental literature underscoring the heightened sensitivity of youth to external conditions, this study focuses attention on the recidivism of young offenders in the United Kingdom. Data from 2005 through 2009 show that changes in appropriate accommodation and engagement offered to ex-offenders in a community are both related to a community’s rate of youth reoffending; however, the strength of this relationship differs across level of community disadvantage. 相似文献
154.
作为青年亚文化的表现之一,2006年以来网络上风行的“80后”晒童年现象,是“80后”一代社会集体记忆情境的重要表现,它反映了当代青年思想的特征,折射出改革时代经济社会的变迁。对晒童年现象的表现、社会时代诱因和特征进行深入分析,有利于我们有针对性地引领青年文化和加强青年工作。 相似文献
155.
延安时期青年妇女运动的历史证明:共产党的正确领导是妇女运动取得成功的根本保证;实事求是、从实际出发是妇女运动取得成功的思想路线;艰苦奋斗、扎实工作是妇女运动取得成功的优良作风。这些经验对新时期青年妇女工作具有重要启示和借鉴意义。 相似文献
156.
改革开放30年,我国经济和社会环境日新月异,青年的价值观也不例外。在改革开放大潮的冲击下,我国青年集体主义价值观经历了否定之否定的过程之后,回归中的青年集体主义价值观呈现出明显的多元特征。其变迂的内在动因,既有转型经济飞速发展,也有传统文化的弱化,还包括多元的价值观冲击。以此为依据,我国青年集体主义价值观未来的发展趋势,一定会呈现出更加丰富和多元的特征,并进一步向理性的集体主义回归。 相似文献
157.
李毅红 《北京行政学院学报》2010,(2):82-86
在五四爱国运动中发挥了重要作用的五四青年的成长,离不开新文化运动倡导者的教育培养。新文化运动倡导者在五四青年教育实践中,体现出:充分信任青年,寄希望于青年,重视实现青年价值;以平等对话的方式,导引知识,启发青年思考,帮助青年认识真理、发现真理,重视唤起青年自觉;鼓励青年积极作为,热情支持青年行动,身先士卒,重视引领青年践行等三个方面的特点。 相似文献
158.
陈渝 《山西青年管理干部学院学报》2014,(1):7-9,20
随着新媒体技术的不断发展及广泛应用,新媒体以其成本低、自主性强、互动及时、覆盖率高、信息承载量大等特点,迅速改变着我们的社会形态,并逐渐成为青少年日常生活中相互交流与获取知识的最主要渠道。共青团组织需要利用新媒体的特点,发挥新媒体的正能量,通过创新共青团工作、创建宣传教育平台、培养青年志愿者、加强网络立法和青少年维权等方式,实现共青团引导青少年、组织青少年、服务青少年、维护青少年合法权益的工作总目标,实现团青融合。 相似文献
159.
Homeless youth are at an increased risk of police contact—being stopped by police and arrested, yet it is less clear if this interaction is patterned by race. The current study draws on diverse scholarship to examine three possible effects of race on homeless youths’ interaction with police: that non-White homeless youth are more likely (disproportionate minority contact/symbolic assailants), less likely (out-of-place policing) or no different than White youth (master status) to experience police contact. Using the Midwest Longitudinal Study of Homeless Adolescents, we examine homeless youths’ odds of self-reported police harassment and arrest. Non-White homeless youth are more likely to report police harassment and arrest, but living on the street neutralizes these racial disparities. Further, prior police harassment is linked to subsequent arrest, operating similarly for White and non-White homeless youth. We discuss the implications of these findings for advancing scholarship on the challenges faced by homeless youth. 相似文献
160.
While a number of studies have found that immigrant youth are less likely to engage in delinquency, they are more likely to report victimization. Scholars have traditionally attributed this finding to American cultural norms that may generate marginalization and culture conflict that, in return, increases the likelihood of victimization. However, few studies have applied victimization theories to this study population. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to apply Target Congruence Theory to test its capability to explain victimization among Latino youth. Data collected from the Dating Violence Among Latino Adolescents (DAVILA) Study shows that a target’s vulnerability, gratifiability, and antagonism modestly predicted their victimization. Results, as well as the study’s limitations and suggestions for future research, are discussed. 相似文献