Dominance and Domestic Abuse Among Mexican Americans: Gender Differences in the Etiology of Violence in Intimate Relationships

Gender differences in dominance and aggressive behavior in intimate relationships among Mexican Americans were examined. Three hundred and sixteen Mexican American men and women took the Dominance Scale and the Conflict Tactics Scale 2 (CTS2). Results showed that power and possessiveness were associated with all types of aggressive behavior. Dominance was, however, expressed differently by men and women. High power and possessiveness were associated with all types of aggressive behavior. Decision-making power was also associated with physical assault, and high devaluation with inflicting injury among men. Among women, high power was only associated with physical assault, whereas possessiveness was associated with psychological aggression and physical assault. Devaluation was also high among women who inflicted injury on their male partners.     

合同法价值构造变革

合同法的价值有公平、自由、效率等。其中,合同自由成为近现代合同法的各种价值的载体和集中体现。垄断出现后,合同自由受到格式合同、强制缔约、消费者权益保护法、劳动法、一般条款等的限制,并且,在效率原则及经济全球化的推动下,合同法出现了统一化趋势。在现代,合同自由仍然是一项基本原则,但合同法的价值构造发生了变革。     

Mexicans react to electoral fraud and political corruption: an assessment of public opinion and voting behavior

Despite various electoral reforms enacted in Mexico between 1988 and 1994, large numbers of Mexicans doubted the honesty of elections and the general integrity of their country's policy making process. Such doubts did not automatically lead, however, to support for opposition parties that called for greater democratization. Rather, voter preferences were largely dependent on judgments about the opposition's viability and competence. Widespread suspicions about fraud and corruption in Mexico did affect electoral outcomes by making it less likely that potential opposition supporters turned out to vote. Data are drawn from seven national public opinion surveys conducted in Mexico in 1986, 1988, 1991, 1994 (3 polls), and 1995.     

The Interstate Sprawl System

The Interstate Sprawl System is an article about the role of automobile transportation in the culture and civilization of the USA. After demonstrating that all previous civilizations in history have gathered around trading ports, where land values rise as the proximity to the port increases, it analyses the changes wrought by the grid system of transportation brought on by the automobile in the USA, where land values remain fairly constant and no core trading centers can be found. These changes include the decimation of the old port cities as well as the urbanization of rural lands. The article concludes with an appeal to encourage inter-city rapid rail as the obvious antidote to the problem.

贯彻落实科学发展观树立正确监狱执法理念

监狱执法理念是涉及执法和管理的根本性问题。树立正确的执法理念,是社会法治文明在监狱执法工作中的重要体现,是适应监狱体制改革、完善刑罚执行制度的必然要求,是面向监狱工作实际、解决现实问题的迫切需要。监狱机关要在执法和管理中努力做到依法、规范、公正、文明,重点解决好“三个不能”的问题,抓好“四种规范”,在执法工作中实现“五个更加”,促进三个方面的文明化建设。监狱机关要以正确执法理念为统揽,正确定位监狱的职能和监狱警察的职责,努力维护监狱安全稳定,积极探索新的监狱生产组织结构,稳妥推进监狱体制和机制改革,建设高素质执法队伍,推进监狱工作创新发展。     

Does nationalism promote democracy? Comparative analyses of Ukraine's ‘Maidan’ revolution and Poland's ‘Solidarity’ mass mobilisation

The increased number of ‘democratic revolutions’ around the globe has raised questions of how mass mobilisation contributes to democracy and of what role nationalism plays in this process. Mass mobilisation is viewed as the best option for breaking down communist regimes due to the rise of new political elites to positions of power within the state. On the other hand, the revolutionary character of mass mobilisation movements, together with the uncertainty of the link between democracy and nationalism, may lead such movements to impact negatively on democratisation. Ukraine's ‘Maidan’ revolution and Poland's ‘Solidarity’ movement allow for a comparison of two types of mass movements in terms of both causes and outcomes. This article claims that the mass protests in Ukraine, as opposed to those in Poland, did not lead to democratisation but rather to the opposite: the polarisation of both political elites and civil society. The role of nationalism, in this respect, was shaped and interpreted by political leaders.     

Clase política y medios: explorando el fenómeno de la publicidad política encubierta en México

This work presents the results of a qualitative research that explores the phenomenon of political publicity on noncommercial television content, which has been growing since the electoral reform of 2007–2008. Since then, the acquisition of airtime for electoral advertising purposes, as well as the appearance of public officials on government advertising has been prohibited. The information was gathered through ‘in depth’ interviews, and analyzed through Strauss and Corbin grounded theory model, which allowed confirmation of the existence of covert political publicity, as well as to provide a definition of this concept and determine its causes, characteristics, and consequences. It was concluded that, despite the legal modification aiming to guarantee a more equitable political communication model and the eradication of airtime commercialization for electoral campaigning, this was not achieved due to structural conditions of the political system in Mexico and the relation between media and government, which impacts political communication, and extends beyond the electoral issue and its regulatory framework.     

中国资产阶级革命二重性分析

中国资产阶级革命因其所处历史阶段的性质,使革命的性质、领导阶级、阶段形成了多重二元性。无产阶级取代资产阶级成为领导阶级是革命成功的关键和保证。历史证明,中国的革命和建设需要一个强大的先进的阶级和政党来领导。如此,中国的革命和建设才能取得胜利和成功。     

1927-1945:革命根据地婚姻自由的法律表达

从在江西建立革命根据地开始到抗日战争胜利结束,这段时期婚姻自由的法律表达展现的是红色农村地区对共产党人法制实践的接受和反应。中国共产党在根据地时期不仅进行暴力革命,建立割据政权,同时还开展一系列社会革命,其中就包括对婚姻制度的改造。革命时期对婚姻制度的变革既是对封建制度的消解,也是现实革命动员的需要。文章通过对结婚自由和离婚自由法律表达的分析,阐释革命与法律的互动和冲突及其现实选择。