Coming in from the Cold: Grenada and Cuba since 1983

Abstract

The Grenada Revolution’s radical course was stamped by the bold turn to Cuba in April 1979. Cuban commitment to Maurice Bishop’s regime was crucial to its consolidation. In 1983 counter-revolution and invasion ruptured Grenada–Cuba ties and damaged Havana’s relations with Caribbean Community states. Since the demise of the Cold War, Havana’s survival strategy has prioritised regional integration and cooperation in the Americas. In the Anglophone Caribbean, Grenada has been at the centre of this rapprochement since 1993. Despite Washington’s disapproval, Grenada champions expanded ties with socialist Cuba. The rekindled alliance brings tangible mutual benefits and validates the strategy of South–South cooperation advocated by Maurice Bishop’s People’s Revolutionary Government and New Jewel Movement.     

A Landlord's Notice to Quit: The May 2012 Municipal Elections in Italy

This article explores the significance of the local elections of May 2012 for the general direction of change in Italian politics. The forces of the centre-right were deserted en masse but without those of the centre-left effectively capitalising on the discontent, which was, instead, expressed by the spectacular advance of the ‘non-party’, the almost completely novel Five-Star Movement. As the last major contest on the political agenda before the next general election due in no more than a year, the May outcome revealed just how difficult it was likely to be for either of the two coalitions to obtain a clear victory on that occasion. The article discusses the extent and the nature of these difficulties – deriving from voters' clear rejection of ‘politics as usual’ – by analysing the run-up, the campaign, the outcome and the aftermath of the May elections.     

ACTING OUT REFORM: THEATER AND VILLAGE IN THE REPUBLICAN RURAL RECONSTRUCTION MOVEMENT

Abstract

Rural theater reform was a component of the Republican Rural Reconstruction Movement from its mid-1920s beginnings in mass literacy efforts. Amid the economic and political upheaval of the 1920s and 1930s, reformers argued that national salvation depended on the unity and continued relevance of village communities, and they believed that rural theater could contribute to bringing village communities together. One important example, the Mass Education Movement project in Dingxian, illustrates how reformers used the theater to reinforce the village as the unit of reform and national reconstruction. Reformers hoped rural theater would transmit to villagers ideas about citizenship and the new responsibilities this political role entailed. However, it was equally important that the reform theater — a group activity performed for a village audience — enable and sustain a reconstitution of the village community. In this way, the Rural Reconstruction Movement demonstrates an alternative to the top-down rule that characterized most Guomindang state-making efforts.     

The Quest for Leadership Legitimacy among Singapore Malays

Abstract

Much has been written about the problems and concerns affecting the Malay ethnic minority in Singapore. These include issues such as their socio-economic situation, relatively low educational performance, and increasing incidences of social ailments like high rates of drug addiction, divorce and youth delinquency. In the context of Singapore's multiracial and multi-religious fabric, little has been articulated about what is here argued to be a core issue of the ‘Malay plight’, namely, the legitimacy of the Malay political leadership. Apparently both the ruling-party-affiliated Malay politicians and their Malay opposition counterpart have been at odds with their perceptions and predispositions towards this particular issue. It is here that a bold, albeit controversial, alternative model called the ‘collective leadership’, was publicly goaded by the Association of Malay/Muslim Professionals in both their 1990 and 2000 National Conventions, which requires due consideration. Perhaps at a time of a changing Singapore society, this alternative or its variant could go some way towards mitigating, if not resolving, the long-standing Malay plight, and thus, benefit not only the Malay minority itself, but Singapore as a whole.     

State,Citizenship and Religious Community: The Case of Indian Muslim Women

Thos article argues that granting citizenship rights to the minorities cannot help to instil a sense of confidence in them to participate as equal citizens in the public sphere. Rather the state has to create necessary conditions both through institutional mechanisms as well as through creating a democratic and egalitarian environment where those rights can be enjoyed. A liberal democracy can accommodate both individual as well as group rights and allow for legal pluralism by desisting from imposing any law that can result in the loss of identity for a minority group. But at the same time a liberal democracy is to ensure that individual rights are not jeopardised while safeguarding the minority rights. If particularistic demands do not conflict with basic individual liberty and dignity, they can and should be accommodated within the universalistic framework of citizenship.     

Family ties: A case study of coverage of families and friends during the hijacking of TWA flight 847

When U.S. citizens are held hostage in a foreign land, U.S. journalists have problems making the story meaningful for their readers. The hostages are usually not accessible. The political causes are far too complex to translate well into 90‐second nightly news stories or 20‐inch newspaper articles. Friends and families of the hostages provide journalists with a way for focusing on the human element of the story. This case study of the 1985 hijacking of TWA 847 illustrates how such a focus can lead to exploitation of friends and family to manipulation of news media.     

影响西部少数民族地区政治稳定的五大认同机制

对西部少数民族地区政治稳定起决定性作用的是民族、政治、经济、宗教和风俗习惯等五大认同机制。其中,民族认同机制是基石,它奠定了西部少数民族地区政治稳定的血缘基础;政治认同机制是核心,它奠定了西部少数民族地区政治稳定的制度基础;经济认同机制是关键,它奠定了西部少数民族地区政治稳定的利益基础;宗教与民族风俗习惯认同机制是两大重要组成部分,前者奠定了西部少数民族地区政治稳定的价值基础,而后者则是西部少数民族地区政治稳定的重要润滑剂。     

“全域数字法院”的构建与实现

近年来中国互联网司法发展取得了显著成效,为建设一种全新的法院样态——"全域数字法院"提供了可能。与既往的法院信息化建设不同,"全域数字法院"是一场重塑性的制度革命,它以线上线下深度融合、内网外网共享协同、有线无线互联互通为基本要求,更加注重系统集成与数字赋能,更加注重流程再造与制度重塑,更加注重全面数字化与高度智能化,运用"技术+制度"为实现更高水平的公平正义注入新效能。建设"全域数字法院",主要路径是通过"平台化建设""无纸化转型""智能化赋能"三阶段,打造全生命周期的司法平台,提供全时空在线的司法服务,构建全流域智能的司法模式,驱动司法制度的全方位变革,并最终实现司法领域从数字赋能到制度重塑的革命性变革。     

五四运动前后的思想变动与中国革命道路的转折

五四运动前后，中国社会的思想变动是鸦片战争后东西文化冲突的反映，先进人士在中国社会向何处去的探索中，经历了由浅到深的思想演变过程，至五四运动前夕，进入了文化层面的思考。五四运动前后的思想变动集中表现为道路的重新选择。先进知识分子经过反复比较，最后选择走俄国十月革命的道路。思想变动的最后结果是马克思主义成为中国历史发展的必然选择，从而导致中国革命道路的方向性交化。