Role models in politicians will disappoint you: Cautionary notes on Aids leadership in post-apartheid South Africa

Abstract

In the face of HIV/Aids the call for political leadership is often made. Invariably, one form that this call takes involves leaders being called upon to act as role models. But time after time scandalous revelations arise. These scandals appear to have the potential to damage efforts to address HIV/Aids. This article assumes that it is not appropriate to attempt to limit public expression concerning the sex-related behaviours of politicians. The author further notices, with reference to post-apartheid leadership in South Africa, that the actions, behaviours and motivations of political leaders cannot be readily assumed to result in desired behaviours in relation to HIV/ Aids. It is proposed that rather than cynically saying we are waiting for ideal leaders to arise, we can embrace the challenge of our time by first allowing ourselves to question the status quo. The aim is to recover questions of the possible roles of politicians as questions of how human relations can be achieved. In other words, the aim is to argue for an approach that humanises both politicians and those who would (be given to) follow them.     

New Event Data in Conflict Research

This paper first presents an overview of data on 390 international crises, which incorporate 826 foreign policy crises, from the end of 1918 to the end of 1988.

A set of crisis profiles is then constructed for the two superpowers of the post‐World War II era, and for three regional systems, Africa, Asia and the Middle East. The data on international crises are presented in terms of a common format for the regional profiles, with slight modifications for the superpowers, in order to facilitate comparisons: time and space; duration; onset; threat; behavior; severity of violence; US/USSR activity; global organization involvement; and outcome. Within these categories, distributions are noted for each of the polarity structures—multipolarity (1918–39), bipolarity (1945–62), and polycentrism (1963–1988). Thereafter, comparisons are made between US and USSR crises (after World War II), and among the three regional profiles.

The central thrust of the findings from these profiles is clear: they focus attention on the dual characteristics of twentieth century crises, their pervasiveness and diversity. These traits, in turn, make much more difficult the task of constructing a theory that provides a systematic explanation of interstate crisis from onset to termination. Complex reality imposes an intolerable burden on the search for necessary and sufficient conditions of crisis. In positive terms, it leads to a shift in focus, from ‘necessary and sufficient’ to the “most likely” conditions as the most credible path to theory.     

Hard Bargaining in the Classroom: Realistic Simulated Negotiations and Student Values

Empirical research into the negotiation practices of lawyers shows that “hard bargaining,” including at least some unethical conduct, is an inescapable fact of a lawyer's life. To prepare students for legal practice, negotiation instructors must expose them to hard bargaining in the classroom. In doing so, however, instructors should be sensitive to the moral and ethical values of their students, so that the classroom experience does not unduly pressure students to compromise their values. The simulation is the primary tool of negotiation instruction. By selecting and manipulating simulations, a negotiation instructor can expose students to a wide range of negotiating behaviors, from distributive negotiations marked by the use of power tactics to value‐creating negotiations in which participants must consider many interests and collaborative strategies predominate. With that flexibility, however, comes the potential for classroom exercises to pressure students, in ways both subtle and overt, to adopt behaviors that feel uncomfortable. In this article, I examine the use of simulations to teach different types of negotiating behavior, including hard bargaining. Referring to a number of widely available simulations, I suggest ways to focus student attention on three dimensions of negotiation behavior — the issues over which the parties are bargaining, the objectives the parties seek, and the tactics the parties use to achieve their objectives — in order to push students to reflect on their own negotiation behaviors and to prepare for the tactics of others. I assess the potential for simulations to pressure students to compromise their values, and I conclude with my own thoughts on the goals of a negotiation course.     

中国的崛起与朝鲜半岛关系

2010年发生的"天安号"和"延平岛"事件是使崛起的中国面临维持还是改变东北亚安全现状的重要的战略选择。由于朝鲜半岛关系到中国的核心利益,我们应把它界定为地缘战略重点。在朝鲜半岛问题上中国应起到建设性作用,为其解决提供规则,与有关各方更多地共享利益,维护朝鲜半岛的和平稳定。在具体战略运作上,既要坚持韬光养晦,又要积极有所作为;既要顾全大局,又要具体情况具体分析;既要坚持多边机制,又要加强双边关系。     

当前我国乡镇农校发展对策的研究

乡镇农校在我国经济建设和发展中起着非常重要的作用,但由于人们认识和观念跟不上形势、措施不得力等原因,致使目前乡镇农校发展举步艰难,困难重重,与当前农村经济和社会发展的要求不相适应。为此,我们必须提高认识、加大投入,为全面建设小康社会作出贡献。     

小议英语词汇的教与学

英语词汇的教与学在英语学习中起着重要作用,是能否学好英语的关键。在分析目前词汇教学的各种理论的基础上,分析了英语词汇学习的重要性,针对英语词汇教学与学习的现状,讨论并提出了几点提高英语词汇教学与学习效果的策略。     

晚清典志体史学名著的时代特色——兼论晚清史学的历史地位

中国史学发展到晚清,新的时代需要推动历史编纂的发展,一批见识卓越的史家均重视对典志体的改造。这一现象实有其深刻的必然性。典志体史书有两大特点:一是内容包涵宏富,适于记载典章制度和社会各方面情状;二是篇目设立极具灵活性,可根据需要增减、扩充,储备新知识,发表新见解。晚清民族危机深重,改造了的典志体正能符合呼唤御侮图强和倡导了解外国、学习外国的迫切需要,因而大放异彩。魏源、徐继畲、黄遵宪等爱国史家先后撰成的名著《海国图志》、《瀛寰志略》、《日本国志》,均具有鲜明的时代特点和宝贵的创新价值,并对探求救国道路产生了深远的影响。     

民国帮会恐怖活动的历史思考

民国社会是一个广大的复杂实体,在这个实体中,同时存在主流社会与非主流社会,制度性社会群体与非制度性社会群体,它们相互联系,相互作用,相互制约,影响了历史进程的发展。帮会作为一个非主流社会现象,属于非制度社会群体．从民国帮会的演变与作用以及恐怖活动,分析民国时期帮会恐怖活动产生与演变的特点及其规律,目的就是希望透过历史认清现实,充分认识当今恐怖活动产生的政治与社会基础,对完善现代中国反恐怖法律制度有积极意义。     

论政府在水权交易中的角色定位

水资源和水权自身的特性以及水权交易所产生的外部性说明了水权交易中政府介入的必要性。政府所具有的经济管理和公共事务管理双重基本职能使得政府在水权交易中的介入具有现实的可行性。政府在水权交易中应扮演好以下角色:政府应成为初始水权的配置者;政府应成为水权交易制度的供给者;政府应成为良好水权交易环境的塑造者。     

网络时代的政治传播研究

随着网络技术的飞速发展,网络对政治传播产生着巨大的影响。一方面,作为政治传播的推进器,它为政治传播提供了新的传播媒介,使草根一族获得了政治传播的话语权,使双向互动的政治传播模式得到极大发挥;另一方面,网络在给政治传播带来推动作用的同时,也带来了如政治流言泛滥、政治传播者的权威受到挑战、政治传播的监管难度加大等问题。为此,要加强对网络时代政治传播的引导和监管,加强网络立法,提高广大网民的政治传播素养,使网络更好地为政治传播服务。