解读高等学校的“法律法规授权的组织”资格——以田永诉北京科技大学案为范本展开的分析

“法律法规授权的组织”是非行政机关被推上行政诉讼被告席的惟一事由,也是法院受理田永诉北京科技大学案,为学生打开司法救济之门的前提。然而,法院在田永一案中并没有证成高等学校具有“法律法规授权的组织”资格。尽管单方面性、强制性等是行政权的属性,但并非所有具有这些属性的权力都是行政权。     

法治与贵州民族地区法律建设

实行法治,是进入全面现代化的重要标志之一,当今,它在全世界范围内,特别是东方国家的发展趋向已日益明显,并对整个社会产生着日益重要的影响。在我国,在党的“我们应当在发展社会主义民主、健全社会主义法制方面取得明显的进展”①的思想指导下,贵州民族自治地方的法治建设究竟怎样呢?本文就此作点探讨。     

Effects on academia-industry collaboration of extending university property rights

Several recent studies show European university scientists contributing far more frequently to company-owned patented inventions than they do to patents owned by universities or by the academic scientists themselves. Recognising the significance of this channel for direct commercialisation of European academic research makes it important to understand its response to current Bayh-Dole inspired reforms of university patenting rights. This paper studies the contribution from university scientists to inventions patented by dedicated biotech firms (DBFs) specialised in drug discovery in Denmark and Sweden, which in this respect share a number of structural and historic characteristics. It examines effects of the Danish Law on University Patenting (LUP) effective January 2000, which transferred to the employer university rights to patents on inventions made by Danish university scientists alone or as participants in collaborative research with industry. Sweden so far has left property rights with academic scientists, as they also were in Denmark prior to the reform. Consequently, comparison of Danish and Swedish research collaboration before and after LUP offers a quasi-controlled experiment, bringing out effects on joint research of university IPR reform. In original data on all 3,640 inventor contributions behind the 1,087 patents filed by Danish and Swedish DBFs 1990–2004, Difference-in-Difference regressions uncover notable LUP-induced effects in the form of significant reductions in contributions from Danish domestic academic inventors, combined with a simultaneous substitutive increase of non-Danish academic inventors. A moderate increase in academic inventions channelled into university owned-patents does appear after LUP. But the larger part of the inventive potential of academia, previously mobilised into company-owned patents, seems to have been rendered inactive as a result of the reform. As a likely explanation of these effects the paper suggests that exploratory research, the typical target of joint university-DBF projects in drug discovery, fits poorly into LUP’s requirement for ex ante allocation of IPR. The Pre-LUP convention of IPR allocated to the industrial partner in return for research funding and publication rights to the academic partner may have offered more effective contracting for this type of research. There are indications that LUP, outside the exploratory agenda of drug discovery, offers a more productive framework for inventions requiring less complicated and uncertain post-discovery R&D.

内地西藏班(校)学生的跨文化适应

跨文化适应是指身处异文化环境中的个体或群体有意识、有倾向地调整自己的心理活动和行为方式,以便更好地融入异文化的过程,分为社会文化适应和心理适应两个维度。前者以学习适应、生活适应和交往适应为标志;后者以主观幸福感和心理健康为指标,内地西藏班(校)学生的跨文化适应状况是喜少忧多,在诸多方面适应不良。造成这种状况的根源是文化中断。从外部加强社会支持、缩短文化距离,消除歧视与偏见;从内部确立合理的评价与应对方式,增加与文化相关的知识技能,是应对跨文化适应不良的有效措施。     

Transforming the social capital of the urban poor: Lessons from Kisumu,Kenya

Large-scale organisations of the urban poor (OUP) are needed for greater influence in urban governance. However, where contexts are non-enabling for large-scale organisations to develop, external support may be needed. Past NGO support for building social capital has been heavily criticised for failing to address its darker side, while new forms of OUP supported by urban poor federations have been cited as more inclusive, representative organisations. This study compares NGO- and slum-dwellers’ federation-supported OUPs in Kisumu, Kenya, and finds evidence that development partners should seek to scale-up existing social capital while ensuring that networks formed are transformative for marginalised identities.     

Doing development differently: Rituals of hope and despair in an INGO

Through an anthropological lens, using examples from working in an international NGO, I explore how and why a group of development workers navigated the coercive practices of aid in ways that benefitted their partners in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Rather than seeking conspiracies to explain the gaps between development rhetoric and practices, I suggest that people both contest and collude with bureaucratic systems of rule. Youth Rights reformed various rituals and created different management practices internally, as well as maintaining its long-established solidarity approach with partners, but only managed to challenge the donors’ controls to a limited extent.     

对毕达哥拉斯学派宗教性的探讨

毕达哥拉斯学派曾为古希腊的显学,赫一时。该学派曾对包括柏拉图在内的诸多哲学家和整个西方哲学界产生影响。故其学说内容一直被历代哲学家和历史学家所探讨研究。立足于毕达哥拉斯学派的哲学思想,对其有宗教倾向的思想的内在逻辑进行了探讨。通过这些探讨,我们可以更好更深入地理解毕达哥拉斯学派的思想,并对学界有关"毕达哥拉斯学派是否为宗教"的争论提出了笔者自己的答案。     

砂拉越华族族群母语教育与文化传承的维护:以古晋中华第一中学之兴办为个案研究

砂拉越位于婆罗洲,原为文莱属地,1841年白人拉惹政权建立后,大批华人在其招垦下移入砂拉越。在华文教育萌芽的初期,白人拉惹对其取自由放任的态度,直至20世纪20年代,因华人社会中的政治运动及海外华侨民族主义在各个华文学校的发展,才颁布学校注册法令,开始干涉砂拉越地区的华文教育。二战后,白人拉惹将砂拉越让渡给英国,新成立的殖民地政府急于统合境内各族群对砂拉越的认同,遂推动以英语为教学媒介语的国家教育制度,迫使砂拉越华文中等学校在改制成以英语授课的学校或独立中学之间做出选择。为保存族群母语教育,为华族子弟接受母语教育提供机会,在古晋地区创立的中华第一中学,决定成为一间华文独立中学。这间华文独立中学至今仍有千名以上学生,其校园中充满华族文化气息。本文对古晋中华第一中学的创立、发展、经营作一个案研究,期盼对吾人进一步了解战后砂拉越华族社会族群语言的维护及文化的传承有所助益。     

International society: the social dimensions of Indonesia's foreign policy

Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insufficient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To fill the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations.