美国当代反倾销法与《世贸组织反倾销守则》的比较

乌拉圭回合《世贸组织反倾销守则》适用于所有的世贸组织成员,美国反倾销法在理论上也应与该守则相一致。但是,美国在根据《世贸组织反倾销守则》的规定来修改自己的国内反倾销立法时,依然保留了许多与该守则相抵触的规定。通过与《世贸组织反倾销守则》,将会揭示美国反倾销法的贸易保护主义功能。     

论卡特政府时期美国全球战略发生历史性转变的内在根源(Ⅰ)

吉米·卡特是美国历史上少有的在执政期间真正有意致力于推动世界和平的总统之一。他为抑制美苏军备竞赛,裁减军备和缓和当时的国际紧张局势做出了不懈的努力。他的这些努力是他后来荣膺诺贝尔和平奖的原因之一。然而,由于卡特的这种外交方针触犯了当时美国国内某些极端保守势力的利益,在国际上又遭到苏联霸权主义的扩张带来的冲击,使他在执政期间屡屡遭受外交政策上的挫折。分析美国外交政策史上的这一特定时期的种种内在和外在的因果联系,对于我们今天更深入地了解美国外交政策的内在动因具有极为重要的参照意义。     

The noble west and the dirty rest? Western democracy promoters and illiberal regional powers

This conclusion summarizes the major findings of this special issue and discusses their implications for research on democratization and international democracy promotion. First, I compare the interactions between EU and US democracy promotion and the responses of non-democratic regional powers. In the cases in which Russia, Saudi Arabia, and China chose to pursue a countervailing strategy, I match the reactions of the US and the EU and explore how the combined (inter-)actions of democratic and non-democratic actors have affected efforts at democracy promotion in the target countries. The second part discusses the theoretical implications of these findings and identifies challenges for theory-building. I argue that the literature still has to come to terms with a counter-intuitive finding of this special issue, namely that non-democratic actors can promote democratic change by unintentionally empowering liberal reform coalitions as much as democracy promoters can unwittingly enhance autocracy by stabilizing illiberal incumbent regimes. I conclude with some policy considerations.     

Whose ‘Freedom of Navigation’? Australia,China, the United States and the making of order in the ‘Indo-Pacific’

The so-called freedom of navigation through the Malacca straits and the South China Sea, some of the world’s busiest trade routes, has long been of concern to scholars and practitioners of international politics in the region. Increasing tensions around territorial disputes recently propelled the issue to the forefront of global foreign and security policy making. Yet, despite the frequent invocation of threats to the ‘freedom of navigation’ for the justification of military measures to protect the ‘liberal rules-based order’, the substance of this rule or norm remains ambiguous and the nature of the threatened order unclear. Located at the confluence of the Indian and Pacific Oceans, Australian discourses represent a suitable case for clarifying both. Starting from the original provisions on navigational regimes in international law, this study analyses the meanings that officials, think tank analysts and academics have been attributing to the freedom of navigation and contextualize them in the evolving debate about order. Focusing on political rather than legal discourses, it finds that concerns with the freedom of navigation are largely unrelated to the safety of maritime transport. Instead, they serve as proxy for an increasingly static imagination of international order – written backward in time – to be secured.     

美国反倾销法的正义分析

正义是衡量一种法律制度是否可欲的终极价值目标。从正义这一价值判断标准出发,对美国反倾销法进行分析,将会使我们认识其本质:以社会福利为代价保护国内某些产业的利益,是一种实质非正义的法律体系。     

美国“重返亚洲”后的马美、马中关系探析

2009年美国"重返亚洲"后,马美两国政治关系有所加强;中马两国政治关系非常密切,合作不断扩大,相互投资和互认学位等问题得到解决,金融合作走在东盟国家前列。马美关系发展对中马关系发展暂时影响不大,中马关系发展乐观,但面对的问题也不少,应给予关注并及早制定对策。     

疱疹病毒US4基因及其编码蛋白的研究进展

通过对疱疹病毒US4基因及其编码蛋白的特点、基本功能以及US4基因编码蛋白与US3蛋白、US8蛋白的相互作用进行论述,为进一步开展对疱疹病毒US4基因的深入研究提供帮助。     

The Material Culture of US Elections

Abstract

The abiding motif of election campaigns in the USA is not the spot ad, nor the candidate debate, nor even the campaign Web site, but instead remains the campaign button. It should be consigned to history by fast paced development of campaigns into modern technologies, but there are still hundreds of designs produced quadrennially for national campaigns, and many more for races at all levels. Even if the life of the campaign button is coming to a close, it has been a long run, from the brass buttons of 1789, to the tiny framed daguerreotypes of the mid-19th century, through the celluloid buttons of the 1890s, to the chip implanted versions of today.

But the campaign button is just the most ubiquitous example of the material culture of the US election. It has been modified by changes in artisan skills, industrial production, bulk availability, the changes in inexpensive materials and manufactures, and cost effectiveness and profitability. Over the same period of time many other artefacts have been used by entrepreneurs and campaigns to bring the candidates and their public together at the same time as making a profit-either financial or political. This article discusses the role of entrepreneurship, changing industrial technology, and the emergence of newly cost-effective materials, as contexts for the creation of the wealth of campaign ephemera that has adapted to change and maintained its place in the campaign for over 200 years.     

Approaching the EU and Reaching the US? Rival Narratives on Transforming Welfare Regimes in East-Central Europe

Post-communist welfare regimes are frequently portrayed as a hybrid consisting of the relics of communist social policy and a neophyte imitation of the US model of welfare. Both components of that hybrid are regarded as incompatible with the 'European social model'. At the same time, most welfare reformers in East-Central Europe try to avoid falling into the trap of first, conserving the statist, inefficient and pseudo-egalitarian character of the old system of social policy; second, seeking new forms of welfare collectivism along the national-conservative/populist 'third roads' between capitalism and communism; third, triggering popular discontent by dismantling the old welfare regimes too rapidly, or in a haphazard way; and fourth, targeting an end-state which has become unsustainable in the Western world during the past two decades. Meanwhile, the emerging welfare regimes in the region are far from being identical and the reformers do not find stable institutional arrangements in the West to copy. In an effort to make sense of this complex picture, the paper examines what has 'really' happened in the welfare sectors in the region during the past decade by presenting three dominant narratives of the social transformation: 'leaping in the dark', 'marking time' and 'muddling through'.     

The war in Georgia and the Western response

This article considers Western, and most particularly American, policy towards Tbilisi in the Russo-Georgian war of August 2008. The article does not accept the view of Russian leaders that the United States actively promoted the Georgian attack on South Ossetia. It does, however, argue that Washington's alliance with Georgia was sufficiently close to make President Saakashvili believe he would receive American support in the event of war with Russia. The war, however, was not in America's interest since it threatened its position in the South Caucasus and provided Russia with an opportunity to re-emphasize its growing power in the world.