冷战后美国对外政策中的自由主义

冷战结束以来,在美国对外政策思想研究中,学界的关注目光偏重于新保守主义,特别是＂9·11＂事件后,自由主义在新保守主义的反衬下显得有些黯然失色。然而,自由主义作为美国政治思想中根深蒂固的传统,在美国政府内外始终具有广泛的舆论市场,对美国的对外政策始终保持相当大的影响力,冷战后历届美国政府的对外政策都在不同程度上蕴含着自由主义的思     

对越南在抗美战争中采取与美国“边打边谈”斗争策略的探析

在1965~1975年5月的越南抗美救国战争中,越南劳动党明确一个总方针：战斗和谈判相结合是越南抗美救国战争的基本战略,并在1968年实现了＂边打边谈＂斗争策略,以解决越南问题。本文对越南在抗美救国战争中采取与美国＂边打边谈＂斗争策略作一探析。     

抗美援朝中志愿军党支部建设经验

抗美援朝战争期间,志愿军各级党委和政治机关结合战时情况努力加强党支部建设,积累了丰富的经验。一是着眼于提高官兵的工作积极性,实施强有力的思想领导;二是着眼于适应新的战争情况,改进党支部的领导方法与作风;三是着眼于解决党员骨干能力偏弱的问题,重视党员的发展、教育和支部领导骨干的培训。     

美军官创伤后应激障碍研究及其启示

近几年,美军针对军官创伤后应激障碍的研究较为系统深入,我军在此领域的研究成果很少。关注和探讨美军官创伤后应激障碍研究成果,有助于加强我军对军官创伤后应激障碍的认知、预防和治疗,有针对性地做好心理援助工作。     

South African regulation of online casinos licensed in a foreign jurisdiction

Advances in technology brought about new popular gambling activities such as online gambling (sometimes called trans-border e-gaming) in South Africa and abroad, demand new regulatory structures since the current laws on gambling do not have provisions for online gambling. This article addresses the legality of engaging in online gambling within the South African borders by casino operators who are licensed in a foreign jurisdiction, giving rise to the issue of determining the place where the act of gambling takes place between a player who is in South Africa while engaging on the Internet with a server in another country. Although this article deals with the South African perspective, realizing that South Africa is a developing country and the law relating to the Internet might be behind, a reference to the online gambling law of United States (US) is made to showcase a need for attention to regulate online gambling in both developing and developed countries.     

Parliamentary Rule: The US Senate Parliamentarian and Institutional Constraints on Legislator Behaviour

This article analyses the extent to which institutional rules constrain member behaviour in the United States Senate by examining the evolution of its parliamentarian. Interestingly, the US Senate parliamentarian has received surprisingly little scholarly attention given the important role she performs in the legislative process. The subsequent analysis thus provides a new understanding of the parliamentarian's role in the legislative process and the interplay between institutional rules and member behaviour in the Senate. To this end, the following analysis is situated within the context of the two primary theoretical approaches to understanding how institutional rules constrain member behaviour: path dependency and majoritarianism. These contrasting approaches provide expectations about the extent to which members will defer to the parliamentarian's interpretation of Senate rules rather than exercising their own discretionary control over those rules. Examining the evolving relationship between the parliamentarian and individual members affirms the centrality of institutional rules as a constraint on member behaviour over the past several decades. Yet such an examination also yields two surprising, and potentially contradictory, observations. First, individual senators in both parties have increasingly deferred to the parliamentarian to interpret the Senate's rules. This is surprising given that the Senate has simultaneously become more individualistic, partisan, and ideological over the same period. Second, the majority party has recently disregarded the norm of parliamentary constraint reflected in past practice and demonstrated a willingness to ignore Senate rules when doing so was necessary to achieve legislative success. This could signify a potential shift in how majorities view the constraints imposed by Senate rules if current trends of legislative dysfunction continue.     

美国FTA范式探略

FTA是美国在多边谈判无果后的次优选择。目前,美国已把实施FTA视为其战略工具,试图将多边无果的谈判转而在区域、双边层面进行,然后逐一推进至多边领域。美国主导的NAFTA范式和具有"超WTO"范式特性的FTA,既是美式FTA发展的产物,也预示着对未来多边谈判的重大影响,迫使发展中国家在多边谈判和与美国的FTA谈判中陷入不得不面对的艰难困境。美式FTA带给未来多边谈判和发展中国家参与全球化战略的不利影响以及发展中国家需要付出的实施代价应引起我们高度重视,以便最大程度地维护国家的经济利益和经济安全。     

‘A curious relationship’: Barack Obama,the 1960s and the election of 2008

ABSTRACT

Ward explores the diverse ways in which memories, understandings and misunderstandings of the 1960s were mobilized during the 2008 election cycle. At the time, Barack Obama's campaign and triumph were hailed by many as marking a series of a decisive breaks with the past, notably with the culture wars and fiercely ideological political partisanship unleashed in the late 1960s. Others suggested that Obama represented a new kind of candidate who somehow transcended, or might even heal, the racial divisions in the United States, in a fanciful vogue for ‘post-racialism’ that Ward argues was also connected to popular conceptions of the 1960s and, in particular, to a misreading of the social philosophy of Martin Luther King, Jr and his ‘I Have a Dream’ speech. While some commentators stressed rupture and discontinuity with the past in interpreting Obama's victory, others—friend and foe alike—were keen to stress continuities with the past, often explicitly with a 1960s routinely, if simplistically, parsed into ‘good’ early and ‘bad’ later periods. ThusWard considers Obama's connections to the civil rights and black power movements, as well as to other 1960s organizing traditions, charismatic leaders and conceptions of federal government, arguing that the decade continues to offer an important, if ambiguous touchstone in contemporary American politics and social memory.     

Barack Obama as the post-racial candidate for a post-racial America: perspectives from Asian America and Hawai‘i

ABSTRACT

Okamura reviews the 2008 US presidential campaign and the election of Barack Obama as a ‘post-racial candidate’ in terms of two different meanings of ‘post-racialism’, namely, colour blindness and multiculturalism. He also discusses his campaign and election from the perspective of Asian America and Hawai'i given that Obama has been claimed as ‘the first Asian American president’ and as a ‘local’ person from Hawai‘i where he was born and spent most of his youth. In both cases, Obama has been accorded these racialized identities primarily because of particular cultural values he espouses and cultural practices he engages in that facilitate his seeming transcendence of racial boundaries and categories generally demarcated by phenotype and ancestry. Okamura contends that proclaiming Obama as an honorary Asian American and as a local from Hawai‘i inadvertently lends support to the post-racial America thesis and its false assertion of the declining significance of race: first, by reinforcing the ‘model minority’ stereotype of Asian Americans and, second, by affirming the widespread view of Hawai‘i as a model of multiculturalism.     

论美国国会的调查权

调查权是美国国会经常使用的工具性权力,它在实际政治生活中逐步确立其法律基础和程序规则。它是国会了解和查明国民经济、社会和政治等领域中发生的重大问题而进行相应的立法或补救性立法所不可缺少的工具和手段,也是国会揭露政府中违反宪法和法律的滥用职权行为、贪污腐败行为、以及重大工作失误的锐器,客观上有利于维护美国分权与制衡的宪政制度以及政府统治的稳定性和有效性。同时,国会调查形式上充当国会或选民的耳目,实质上是政党利益、集团利益和议员个人利益相互争斗和妥协的政治过程。美国国会曾滥用调查权而侵害了公民的自由权利,损害了美中关系。