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21.
贾建平 《云南警官学院学报》2006,(1):89-92
警察权的行使与公民权的保障始终是一对矛盾的统一体。协调和解决:1.兼顾利益,适度控制警察权;2.为达平衡,适度扩展公民权。 相似文献
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Robtel Neajai Pailey 《Citizenship Studies》2016,20(6-7):811-829
As a twenty-first century post-war, emigrant-sending country, Liberia reflects global citizenship norms while simultaneously departing from them, and this unique positioning offers new opportunities to theorise citizenship across spatial and temporal landscapes. In this article, I examine ‘Liberian citizenship’ construction through a historical prism, arguing that as Liberia transformed from a country of immigration to one of emigration, so too did conceptualisations of citizenship – moving from passive, identity-based citizenship emphasising rights and entitlements to more active, practice-based citizenship privileging duties and responsibilities. Given the dynamic trends in citizenship configuration across the globe and particularly in Africa, this article fills gaps in the growing body of literature on citizenship and participation in emigrant-sending countries by contributing to wider debates about how identities, practices and relations between people transform in the aftermath of violent conflict. Empirical evidence presented is based on multi-sited fieldwork conducted in 2012 and 2013 with 202 Liberians in urban centres in West Africa, North America and Europe. 相似文献
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涉案企业合规刑行衔接的初步研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
涉案企业合规改革的推行和深化,离不开行政监管部门的全面配合.检察机关在涉案企业合规改革探索过程中,也较为注重发挥行政监管部门的作用,并尝试利用现有的制度空间解决好与行政监管部门的衔接配合问题.但由于行政监管部门并没有配合刑事执法机关参与办理企业合规案件的法定义务,加上衔接配合的规则和程序粗陋缺失,刑行衔接程序出现不畅问... 相似文献
24.
吕枚 《山东行政学院学报》2005,(4):119-121
在艺术欣赏的再创造、再认识的过程中,始终存在着同一性和差异性的对立统一、客观规定性和主观能动性的对立统一。艺术美既是不朽的,又是变异的。 相似文献
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诉讼法与实体法关系之考辩 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
长期以来 ,由于受到实体法和诉讼法关系“主从论”的影响 ,诉讼法一直被看作是实现实体法的形式和手段 ,因而诉讼法的工具价值被看作其根本价值 ,而忽视了诉讼法的内在价值。随着对诉讼法理论研究的深入 ,诉讼法的内在价值 ,即独立价值越来越为学者们所关注。在探讨诉讼法和实体法的关系时 ,应抛弃固有的孰主孰从 ,孰上孰下的思维模式 ,立足于揭示它们之间客观的内在的联系 ,提高人们对诉讼法和实体法之间关系的认识。 相似文献
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费宏达 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2012,(4):22-25
中国一直奉行城乡二元体制的户籍制度,二元户籍制度衍生了二元的就业制度、二元的社会保障制度、二元的教育制度等,现行的二元体制产生了一个基于户籍身份建立起来的不平等的社会资源的分配体制。这种不平等和差异化对待不符合法治社会的精神,是对农民的身份歧视,应当从根本上取消二元体制,采取统一的一元体制,从根本上解决城乡差异,改变现行的不公平的差异性制度设计模式,以加快农民工城市化的进程。 相似文献
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本文试图站在历史的角度厘清现代韩国民族主义反体制的性质。历史上,韩国的民族主义是以抵抗国家反体制运动的身份确立自己的地位的。开港以后,当时的统治阶层们试图建立近代国家。这种尝试失败后,国家的权力被日本抢走。作为日益走向衰亡的国家的替代品,一部分知识分子鼓吹由精神构成的国家、国粹,而作为维持它的主体,则提出了民族或者同胞的概念。因此,民族成了建立国家的主体,并在殖民地时代以独立运动、在解放后的分裂局面下以统一运动的形态确立了自己的地位。 相似文献
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Michael Minkenberg 《German politics》2013,22(2):169-192
This paper contrasts the right‐wing potential in east and west Germany before and after unification in 1990 and relates it to patterns and changes in the east and west German political processes. The first is a restructuring of the political spectrum of the Bonn Republic prior to the fall of the Wall in which an electoral potential for new right‐wing parties has emerged. The second is the rapid and fundamental transformation process in the east and after the collapse of state socialism which takes place in the context of a modified subject culture with authoritarian and traditional patterns. Unification reinforces authoritarian and traditional patterns. Unification enforces those dynamics which had prepared the ground for the emergence of the New Right in the west while adding the insecurities and imponderabilities of the transformation process in the east. 相似文献
30.
This article examines the diplomatic record of the Bush administration with particular reference to its role in German unification. Based upon memoir material and new sources made available since 1989, it argues that the administration in general - and George Bush in particular - played an indispensable role during these critical years. First, Bush's unequivocal support for unification drove the process forward and reinforced Germany's commitment to NATO. By reassuring countries like France, the US also managed to compel reluctant Europeans to accept unification. Finally, by working closely with Gorbachev and Shevarnadze, Washington was also able to persuade the USSR to accept what many had once thought quite unacceptable to the Russians: a united Germany within NATO. Given the part that the President played in all this, the authors suggest that the generally accepted view of Bush as a politician without purpose or plan has to be questioned. The 'statesman without a vision' who emerges from this reading of events is seen as having been a more forceful and effective diplomatic leader than some of his critics have been prepared to concede. 相似文献