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EMMA R. NORMAN 《Politics & Policy》2012,40(3):403-423
Harry Potter's boggarts arouse our deepest fears and shape‐shift according to those fears. Consequently, nobody knows what this magical monster really looks like—adding to our insecurities. The striking parallels with international issues involve fear and (in)security as the central forces driving state behavior, and how to confront shape‐shifting nonstate sources of violence. Yet examining the connections between identity and violence in the boggart metaphor problematizes several assumptions underpinning constructivism and realism. Using Schmitt's “friend–enemy” distinction, I argue that it is not a Hobbesian freedom from fear of violent death that motivates the search for security, but the fear of not belonging to a clearly defined group. For it is not the dread that an international boggart will kill us that makes it so paralyzing, but it's the lack of a clear identity that renders “other” and “self” indistinguishable. In a world where globalization has blurred state‐oriented differentiation of (national) self and (foreign) other, Schmitt's theory of identity proves particularly valuable. Related Articles in this Politics & Policy Symposium Mena Alemán. 2012. “Editor's Introduction to the Symposium: Politics, Policy, and Harry Potter.”Politics & Policy 40 (3). http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00355.x/abstract Norman and Delfin. 2012. “Wizards under Uncertainty: Cognitive Biases, Threat Assessment, and Misjudgments in Policy Making.”Politics & Policy 40 (3). http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00356.x/abstract Grijalva. 2012. “Deconstructing the Grand Narrative in Harry Potter: Inclusion/Exclusion and Discriminatory Policies in Fiction and Practice.”Politics & Policy 40 (3). http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00358.x/abstract Related Media Film Clips: “The Boggart.” 2001. http://archive.org/details/TheBoggart George W. Bush. 2002. “State of the Union Address.” http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/stateoftheunion2002.htm Course Syllabus: Harry Potter and International Politics: Identity, Violence, and Social Control. http://ipsonet.org/data/files/psoproceedings16.pdf(7‐18) Los boggarts en Harry Potter despiertan nuestros más profundos miedos y cambian de forma de acuerdo a ellos. Por lo tanto, nadie sabe realmente cuál es el aspecto de estos monstros mágicos—lo cual aumenta nuestras inseguridades. Las notables semejanzas con asuntos internacionales actuales se relacionan al uso del miedo y la (in)seguridad como la principal fuerza motivando el comportamiento del estado, y así como la forma en la que se confronta la naturaleza elusiva de fuentes de violencia provenientes de actores no estatales. Sin embargo, al examinar las conexiones entre la identidad colectiva y la violencia en la metáfora de los boggarts conlleva a cuestionarse un número de supuestos fundamentales para el constructivismo y el realismo. Usando la “distinción amigo‐enemigo” de Schmitt, establezco que nuestra búsqueda por seguridad no es motivada por una libertad hobbesiana derivada del temor a una muerte violenta; sino por una necesidad de pertenecer (o miedo a no pertenecer) a un grupo claramente definido. Ya que un boggart internacional no es paralizante por el miedo a ser ultimado por este, sino la falta de una identidad clara que vuelve a “otros” y “uno mismo” indistinguible. En un mundo donde la globalización ha difuminado los medios tradicionales usados por el estado para diferenciar el yo (nacional) de los otros (extranjeros), la teoría de la identidad de Schmitt demuestra ser particularmente útil. 相似文献
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Sonny Lo 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(3):299-322
Although globalization has stimulated the rise in cross-border crime, it does not really undermine the autonomy of the mainland Chinese state, the Taiwan state, and the city-states of Hong Kong and Macao. Instead, through cooperation with law-enforcement agencies in other countries, the law-enforcement agencies of these four places, notably the police and customs, have ensured the persistence of state autonomy vis-à-vis cross-border criminal groups and individuals. In the case of Greater China (mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao), interstate cooperation involving the police and customs can maintain state autonomy vis-à-vis criminal groups and individuals. The mechanisms of such interstate and intergovernmental cooperation embrace the sharing of criminal intelligence, the occurrence of anti-crime joint operations, the holding of seminars and conferences, and the administrative arrangements of extraditions. In a nutshell, intergovernmental cooperation in the combat against cross-border crime can maintain state autonomy in the midst of globalization, as the case of Greater China shows. 相似文献
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Abstract In this study, the internal reliability and construct validity of the recently adapted Swedish version of the Novaco Anger Scale (NAS-1998-S; Lindqvist, Dåderman, & Hellström, Social Behavior and Personality, 8, 773–788, 2003), as well as its scale correlations with demographic and criminality variables, were investigated. Construct validity was established by assessing the correlation pattern of the scales of NAS-1998-S with concurrent scales of similar and distinct constructs. Ninety-five male violent prisoners, ranging in age from 18 to 67 years, participated. The results demonstrated good internal reliability, consistent intrascale relationships, and appropriate construct validity of NAS-1998-S. The number of previous convictions had a moderate negative relationship with the capacity of control. Age and education correlated negatively with the NAS-1998-S scales, except Regulation. In addition to psychometric issues, the results were discussed from a clinical perspective on the offender population. 相似文献
25.
Clíona Rattigan 《The History of the Family》2013,18(4):370-383
In February 1929 the Bishop of Ossory commented on the fact that in Ireland illegitimate infants were often ‘done to death by father or relatives’ (Irish Catholic, 16 February 1929). There were many instances where family members of unmarried women who gave birth were the sole defendants or co-defendants in infanticide cases in post-independent Ireland. Although illegitimate infants were ‘done to death’ by their fathers in a number of cases that were tried at the Central Criminal Court in Dublin between 1922 and 1950, this article will focus on cases where infants were murdered or suspected of having been murdered by relatives of the birth mother both in the Twenty-Six Counties and in Northern Ireland (Irish Catholic, 16 February 1929). For the purposes of this article I have referred to the murder of illegitimate infants as ‘infanticide’ even though there was no separate charge of infanticide in the Irish Free State until 1949. The English infanticide acts of 1922 and 1938 also applied to Northern Ireland. This article discusses the motives of the relatives of single mothers who played a part in the deaths of illegitimate infants. Unmarried motherhood was severely frowned upon in Ireland and the relatives of single pregnant women assisted their female kin in destroying the evidence of extra-marital conception in order to protect the family's honour and moral reputation in the wider community. The records of infanticide trials provide a great deal of insight into the ways in which mainly working-class families dealt with the strain of pregnancy outside wedlock in Ireland between 1922 and 1950. 相似文献
26.
David Kauzlarich 《Contemporary Justice Review》2013,16(1):67-85
A hallmark of critical criminology is its critique of the traditional definition of crime. For decades, critical scholars have proposed humanistic definitions of crime that bring state violence into the purview of academic criminology—although outside of critical criminology this is a matter of great contentiousness. This study investigates the views of those involved in peace activism, but not in any way associated with academic criminology, about the application of the term ‘crime’ to war, specifically the recent US war on Iraq. Given that there is no existing research on this subject, the article also examines how peace activists define crime generally and whether they believe those responsible for the war should be regarded as war criminals. Not surprisingly, semi‐structured interviews with 13 anti‐war activists reveal significant support for elements of critical criminological definitions of crime but an unexpected concern on the part of some that the application of the term ‘crime’ to war could be counterproductive in efforts to stop state violence. The rationales for this concern, as well as those for other issues addressed in the study, are largely presented in the interviewees’ own words. 相似文献
27.
Existing scholarship about ballot measure voting and elite cuegivers suggests that the express endorsement of an unpopular legislature on a statewide ballot measure will depress voter support. Despite seven tests across two decades on both high- and low-profile measures, it did not. This null finding is in keeping with macro-level patterns of strong public support for the more than 4000 legislative referrals approved by voters in the past century. Consequently, we propose that the influence of an elite endorsement on voter behavior is more complicated than past research suggests. Specifically, in keeping with the seminal observation made by Hibbing and Theiss-Morse (1995) that American political cynicism is more a matter of distaste for certain political practices than for actual political institutions, we suspect that when voters are overwhelmed by policy proposals that are both unfamiliar and complex, they may find assurance in the imprimatur of their General Assembly. 相似文献
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程杉 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2006,20(1):101-103
领导是影响教育管理业绩的最主要因素之一。教育管理系统的有效运行,教育组织管理目标的实现,都与领导水平息息相关。只有首先对领导观念的认识加以澄清,充分发挥领导者自身的权力效应,不断提高工作能力和水平,才能有效推动高校的改革与发展。 相似文献
30.
现代民族国家诞生于欧洲的特殊历史背景下,其背后是民族主义的竞争逻辑,因此它亦拥有巨大的国家动员能力。近代时期,东亚三国之要务在于建成现代民族国家以抵御外侮,但唯有日本获得成功,中韩两国均遭遇重大挫折。思想观念上的一个重要原因在于中韩两国与日本传统公私观的不同。在思想与政治上受到中国巨大影响的朝鲜王朝,其超越狭隘民族意识的儒家"天下为公"思想使其在现代民族国家和现代国际体系的竞争逻辑面前表现出诸多不适应。但这种看似具有时代局限性的普遍主义思想,或许却能够为解决今天东亚地区的各种悬案提供一些思想资源,成为新的国际关系形态的指导精神。 相似文献