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81.
商业银行并购行为具有多重法律性质,对其进行调整的法律体系应当体现意思自治、效率、反垄断等基本原则。我国现有商业银行并购法律未能严格遵循以上原则且缺乏系统性。有必要在准确把握银行并购法律性质的基础上制定《商业银行并购条例》,完善银行并购民事合同制度、申报审批以及反垄断制度等,从而有效地维护我国银行业金融体系安全和金融市场发展。 相似文献
82.
村民自治和居民自治在治理基础上存在着一定的差异,即在依赖实体、地方性规范、社会秩序和人情交往等方面并不相同,如果忽视了二者之间的差异可能会导致严重的后果。例如"让农民上楼行动",在治理基础未变的情况下改变治理方式,可能会给农村社会的稳定发展带来一些弊端:破坏了农民的生产生活方式,引发了农民因上楼致贫,造成了基层政府的管理困境。本文通过村民自治和居民自治的差异分析探讨了"让农民上楼行动"的弊端,旨在提醒政策制定者和实施者不要盲目地推进城镇化。 相似文献
83.
私法自治是民法的理念,决定了民法理论体系的构建和制度生成。民法的理念决定了民法理论体系的立场是个人主义。私法中所坚持的是个人主义立场,因此决定了个体主义方法论是民法的基本研究方法。自然人与法人是最重要的民事主体类型,是民事主体制度的重要内容。法人是一个组织,但其行为需要由法人机关实施,因此如何合理设计法人法律制度,促使法人内部团体意志有效形成并通过法人机关实现,与第三人实施法律行为参与法律交往,实现法人的利益,同时能够有效约束法人机关,防止其利用代表权谋取私利损害法人的利益,对促进民法体系的完善与成熟,意义重大。本文从个体主义方法论的视角对我国《民法通则》中有关法人人格、法人分类、法人机关等法律制度进行评析并提出完善建议。 相似文献
84.
营业自由权是民事主体实现财富增值和提高个体生活质量的一种应然性源权利,是民事主体财产自由权在营业领域的展开和扩张,是民事主体不可剥夺的权利。然而,我国法律仅关注了民事主体营业活动和营业成果的保护,对产生和获取实然财产结果的源权利与基础性权利——"营业自由权"则没有予以应有的重视,致使营业自由权在具体法律制度中处于隐性且极易受到侵害的地位。如何将营业自由权由隐性入显性,这就需要一个良好的制度路径设计。 相似文献
85.
广西壮族自治区党校课题组 《桂海论丛》2012,(3):27-32
新中国成立60多年来,广西各族人民在党的民族团结政策指引下,模范地践行党的民族团结政策,实现了各族人民大团结、大发展与大繁荣,开创了各民族空前团结的局面.总结广西民族团结发展的60年历程,对做好新时期民族工作、实现广西跨越发展、科学发展以及保障南疆地域安全都有着十分重要的意义 相似文献
86.
杨仁厚 《贵阳市委党校学报》2012,(1):39-43
胡锦涛"七一"讲话高度重视民族问题,表达了重要的民族思想,包括:一、坚持和完善民族区域自治制度。二、加强民族团结,维护国家统一。三、为中华民族伟大复兴而努力。中华民族伟大复兴内涵丰富。中华民族伟大复兴意义重大。 相似文献
87.
88.
AbstractIn this paper, we make a theoretical argument that the Third World be returned to its political origins to inspire an updated Third World Project (TWP), revived as a global movement for progressive, anti-imperialist forces, through the Fourth World movement, which highlights internal colonialism. Both the TWP and the United Nations recognise only nation states as full members. We examine how a Third World strategy that brings in the Fourth World, or indigenous, minority and/or stateless groups, can help oppressed groups gain more autonomy and rights through a transnational solidarity rooted in empathy. We trace the intellectual roots and history of the TWP and consider obstacles in bringing together the TWP and the Fourth World movement. A Fourth World strategy corrects the TWP’s implicit approval of an underlying imperialism, and the TWP provides the Fourth World movement a model to accomplish its goal of resisting uncritical modernity. 相似文献
89.
Antoinette Scherz Alain Zysset 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2020,23(3):371-391
ABSTRACTThis paper discusses how the general and abstract concept of legitimacy applies to international institutions, using the United Nations Security Council as an example. We argue that the evaluation of the Security Council’s legitimacy requires considering three significant and interrelated aspects: its purpose, competences, and procedural standards. We consider two possible interpretations of the Security Council’s purpose: on the one hand, maintaining peace and security, and, on the other, ensuring broader respect for human rights. Both of these purposes are minimally morally acceptable for legitimacy. Second, we distinguish between three different competences of the UNSC: 1) the decision-making competence, 2) the quasi-legislative competence, and 3) the referral competence. On this basis, we argue that different procedural standards are required to legitimise these competences, which leads to a more differentiated understanding of the Security Council’s legitimacy. While maintaining that the membership structure of the Council is a severe problem for its legitimacy, we suggest other procedural standards that can help to improve its overall legitimacy, which include broad transparency, deliberation, and the revisability of the very terms of accountability themselves. 相似文献
90.
ABSTRACT This article critically examines the account of collective self-determination and state legitimacy developed by Stilz in her book. Central to this account is the idea that for a state to be legitimate it must reflect the shared will of the people over which it governs. I argue that the normative taxonomy Stilz employs to develop this criterion of legitimacy ignores the possibility of conditional cooperators: groups who are alienated from society due to the injustices they experience but are willing to affirm their participation in state institutions if these injustices are rectified. I then demonstrate that since there are no grounds for discounting the dissent of conditional cooperators, their presence significantly increases the threshold for state legitimacy that follows from Stilz’s theory. As a result, Stilz is forced to abandon her claim that basically just states generally enjoy a qualified ‘right to do wrong’. 相似文献