Territory,identity and space as assemblage: alternative Unifications on the Korean peninsula

The paper re-assesses South Korean unification narratives in the context of territory and critical approaches to territory. From this, the paper identifies a set of underlying assumptions and expectations of South Korean government and civil society. The paper explains why division and unification are commonly assumed as a zero-sum relationship and primarily based on a bounded and homogenous understanding of spatiality and territory. From this, the paper indicates how alternative conceptions of space, networks and territory might be used to recast the site and nature of Korean territorial unification.     

我国西部边境治安现状及防控困境分析

我国西部边境北起新疆阿尔泰山脉,南至广西北部湾,边境线漫长。地势险要,社情复杂。近年来。西部边境地区民族分裂主义、宗教极端势力、暴力恐怖活动和贩毒、赌博、偷渡、走私及洗钱等边境犯罪呈现日益猖獗之势。治安现状不容乐观。与此同时。西部边境地区存在的警务资源有限、防控策略失调、跨区域协调障碍、技术装备落后、警务媒介公关能力欠缺等问题一直困扰着西部边境公安机关。成为进行治安防控的重要障碍。     

“A river is not a boundary”: interplays of national and linguistic citizenship in Pulaar language activism

This article examines the interplay of linguistic citizenship and national citizenship within a trans-border language movement. Since the late 1950s, language activists from among the Haalpulaar’en of Senegal and Mauritania have practiced forms of literacy teaching, literary production, theater and journalism in promoting their language, known as Pulaar. These activists’ trans-border collaborations and their emergence from two distinct national contexts – where, in both cases, Pulaar is spoken by a minority of the population – must be understood in relation to one another. Tracing the biographical itineraries of several key activists, this article illustrates how Senegalese and Mauritanian Pulaar militants have collaborated when it comes to language promotion yet frame their grievances within their respective national political arenas. More than a form of local resistance based on trans-border linguistic and cultural ties, Pulaar language activism has emerged thanks to opportunities presented by forms of post-colonial state-building, including the creation of national radio.     

Open Borders and the Right to Immigration

I do not argue for or against substantive immigration policies in this paper. Rather, my thesis concerns what kinds of reasons are morally salient in the construction of just immigration policies. I argue that philosophical proposals for regulating immigration should be evaluated according to the following methodological principle: The unit of analysis in terms of which principles for regulating immigration must be evaluated is the socially situated individual. I defend this principle indirectly by applying it to cosmopolitan principles for regulating immigration in order to demonstrate the moral inadequacy of theories of immigration that adopt an inappropriate unit of analysis. Failure to evaluate the moral adequacy of their own substantive proposals in terms of their effects on socially situated individuals leads some cosmopolitans to endorse substantive recommendations for regulating immigration (namely, open borders) that, I argue, disproportionately burden members of institutionally disadvantaged groups.

The Partition's long shadow: the ambiguities of citizenship in Assam,India

Citizenship practices in the Indian state of Assam have a serious fault line. The government appears uninterested in policing borders and enforcing the citizen/alien distinction. This has drawn the ire of even the Indian Supreme Court. Certain ambiguities about citizenship in post-Partition India explain these practices. Pragmatic politicians have adapted to the reality of a post-Partition space that does not conform to the idealized notion of a bounded national territory with a clearly defined community of citizens. However, the tensions between ‘the national order of things’ and the reality of a non-national space have consequences: they adversely affect governmental legitimacy. Policies premised on the fiction of hard national borders that are fundamentally at odds with ground realities cannot provide the foundation for a stable legitimate political order.     

Democracy and noncitizen voting rights

The boundaries of democracy are typically defined by the boundaries of formal status citizenship. Such state-centered theories of democracy leave many migrants without a voice in political decision-making in the areas where they live and work, giving rise to a problem of democratic legitimacy. Drawing on two democratic principles of inclusion, the all affected interests and coercion principles, this article elaborates this problem and examines two responses offered by scholars of citizenship for what receiving states might do. The first approach involves expanding the circle of citizenship to include resident noncitizens. A second approach involves disaggregating the rights conventionally associated with citizenship from the legal status of citizenship and extending some of those rights, including voting rights, to resident noncitizens. This article argues that both approaches fall short of satisfying the democratic principles of inclusion, which call for enfranchising individuals not only beyond the boundaries of citizenship but also beyond territorial boundaries.     

Trans‐System Social Ruptures: Exploring Issues of Vulnerability and Resiliency1

This essay takes up a recently introduced term, trans‐system social ruptures (TSSRs), and demonstrates its applicability to understanding ruptures to transnational systems. Using the relationship between Canada and the United States as a focus point, the article differentiates national from transnational system social ruptures. The article goes on to explore national and transnational system vulnerability to and resiliency from TSSRs. The distinction between the two types of TSSRs poses empirical, operational, and policy implications. The objective and subjective emergence of TSSRs as a social problem has much to offer to our understanding of disaster events and future crises. The article closes with several recommendations for theoretical development.     

The limits of local citizenship: administrative borders within the Italian municipalities

This article explores residency, a form of municipal membership that plays a strategic role in Italy. Residency is a formal status and a means to have access to rights. Therefore, it is a sort of local citizenship that, at least in part, equalises citizens and non-citizens. Due to its strategic role, many local authorities have paid serious attention to it recently. Municipalities have illegally tightened the requirements provided for by national laws for obtaining the status of resident or introduced new requirements. Stressing the different mechanisms of exclusion from residency, this article explains that they often work as administrative borders. These are bureaucratic barriers that, by denying residency, aspire to regulate, symbolically and sometimes materially, the composition of the people living within municipal territories and to redistribute rights between ‘deserving’ and ‘undeserving’ individuals. As such, administrative borders fragment individual statuses and provoke an increase in civic stratification.     

Territorial rights and open borders

Territorial rights consist of the right to jurisdiction, the right to resources and the right to exclude immigrants and are assumed to be essential to state sovereignty. Scholars who have discussed the justification of these rights have mostly focused on the right to jurisdiction. Few engage with the implications of such justification for the right to exclude immigrants. This paper argues that the justification for territorial rights cannot justify the right of states to exclude immigrants. Allowing immigrants to settle within the territory does not undermine any of the interests territorial rights are meant to protect. In addition, the interests of current inhabitants do not provide sufficient reasons to grant the state the right to exclude immigrants from the territory that everyone has equal right to in an original situation. State sovereignty is therefore seen as compatible with open borders.     

杨增新时期新疆屯垦与西北边疆安全研究

屯垦对于维护新疆稳定和边疆安全具有重要意义。杨增新时期(1911-1928),内有军阀混战,外有列强觊觎,杨采取了修建水利,引进新技术等屯垦措施应对危局,增强了抵御外部侵略势力和内部分裂势力的能力,对稳定新疆社会,保障西北边疆安全起到了一定作用。因此,研究这一时期的屯垦措施与西北边疆安全的关系,汲取其经验教训,确保国家西北安全,具有重要意义。