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61.
“次贷危机”在美国爆发,并逐渐演变为金融危机在世界范围内蔓延,使得资本主义国家经济纷纷跌至谷底。而社会主义中国则有力抵御了其强烈冲击,保持了国民经济稳定有序的发展,在全球一片乱局中“风景这边独好”。这足以看出社会主义的生命力和社会主义制度的优越性。  相似文献   
62.
第二次世界大战结束以来,在时代主题转换、冷战格局存续、多极化趋势发展、经济全球化深入等方面的国际形势演进中,当代资本主义既扮演了重要角色,又受到这些方面国际形势的重要影响。考察国际形势演进中的当代资本主义,不仅有利于深入认识国际形势演变与当代资本主义的关系,而且有利于深入认识中国特色社会主义建设的国际环境。  相似文献   
63.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):163-179
Abstract

Simon Critchley's Infinitely Demanding makes a timely contribution to contemporary debates in ethics and political philosophy. For all its originality, however, one can raise critical questions concerning Critchley's account of the forms of resistance possible within liberal democratic polities. In this article I question the adequacy of Critchley's ethically based neo-anarchism as a response to neo-liberalism, critically analysing the role of ideology in his account of the motivational deficit afflicting capitalist liberal democracies.  相似文献   
64.
冷战结束以来,国际关系处于一超多强过渡性格局,资本主义牢牢控制世界经济政治等中心.为此,只有充分认识资本主义社会,才能更好地与之相处,在竞争共处中学习其一切有价值的东西.国际地位不断上升的中国,在国际事务中要注意形象塑造,创造条件融入国际社会.中国是世界不可分割的一部分,只有融入国际社会,才能取得进一步发展所需的外部条件.  相似文献   
65.
Abstract

A key theme within the literature on the evolution of the Korean political economy since the 1997/8 crisis has been the extent to which Korea remains a ‘developmental state’ or has pursued radical neoliberal reform. These debates have not only reflected a concern with understanding the Korean economy but with a wider set of questions relating to the future of capitalist diversity within a globalized economy. By the late 1980s Korea had come to be regarded as a model of successful state-led late capitalist development. Korean modern economic history has insured that questions relating to the extent that it has pursued neoliberal reform have been of keen interest to students of political economy globally. This paper argues that substantive neoliberal reform has taken place in Korea since 1997. The thesis that a new ‘developmental state’ is in process of consolidating itself is simply wrong. However, the state's reform program interacted with material conditions and political coalitions at the meso level in a complex and uneven manner. In certain critical sectors, such as finance, a neoliberal regulatory regime has been consolidated. In others, such as telecommunications, developmentalist regulatory structures have proven to be highly resilient. In order to fully understand the complexity of the contemporary Korean political economy it is necessary, therefore, to prioritize the importance of meso-level analysis.  相似文献   
66.
20世纪末的当代资本主义已不同于传统的早期资本主义 ,还具有调节生产力同生产关系、经济基础同上层建筑矛盾的能力 ,生产关系暂时还有容纳生产力发展的空间 ,工会已成为当代资本主义制度下的重要的社会平衡力量。  相似文献   
67.
The expansion of global trade has produced new challenges for the effective governance of product safety. We argue that many of these challenges arise at the bilateral level from the interaction of more or less adaptable national regulatory styles. When regulatory styles are unadaptable they produce gaps in risk management, slow and contested resolutions to crises, and limited regulatory cooperation. To examine these claims empirically, we study bilateral food safety regulation in four major exporter–importer dyads: China–Japan; Canada–United States (US), China–European Union (EU), and the US–Japan. The China–Japan dyad is the most adaptable, combining China's “export segmentation” regulatory style with Japan's strongly “risk‐averse, interventionist” style. The Canada–US dyad operates effectively, bringing together Canada's “global market–conforming” regulatory style with the US strategy of “sovereign regulator.” The China–EU dyad is less adaptable because the EU's “harmonization” regulatory style makes it difficult for the EU to adapt to the weaknesses of the Chinese food safety system. Finally, the US's sovereign regulator style clashes with Japan's interventionist style, making them the least adaptable of the four dyads. The paper concludes with a discussion of the broader relevance of our findings for the development of regulatory capitalism.  相似文献   
68.
Britain urgently needs a national conversation about the economic, political and moral predicament it now faces. It should start with the economic crisis of 2008–09. Keynesians and neoliberals alike still seek to return to pre‐crisis business as usual, albeit with modifications. But the untamed capitalism that came to grief in 2008 had three major flaws. First, it undermined the public domain of equity, citizenship and civic virtue, whose creation was one of the great achievements of the late‐nineteenth and early‐twentieth centuries, exposing it to invasion by the market domain. Second, it led to a remorseless rise in inequality of resources and life chances, rendering British society one of the most dysfunctional in Europe. Third, it encouraged the emergence of a debased form of democracy, best called ‘market populism’, that mocks the dream of political equality that lies at the heart of the democratic ideal. Yet growth points of a better society can be detected amidst the gloom. Informal institutions and social movements like London Citizens and the burgeoning environmental movement show that the notion of the public good is still alive. So do the survival of Edmund Burke's communitarianism in the conservative tradition, of John Stuart Mill's social liberalism in the liberal tradition and of ethical socialism in the social‐democratic tradition.  相似文献   
69.
ABSTRACT

Mongolia's transition to a democratic, market economy has created widespread change, especially among pastoral herders. Pastoralists have been depicted as archaic and independent ‘nomads’ who exist outside the modern economy. Still, pastoral culture is a key asset in tourism products and advertising. Tourism could provide fair economic benefits, but inclusive growth depends on how shareholders participate. Using interviews with tour company employees, I investigate how tour companies incorporate pastoralists into their products. The results demonstrate several barriers to inclusive growth. Companies feel individually responsible for managing tourism assets, and to maintain the guise of pastoral authenticity, they limit pastoralists’ participation in business through informal and contingent work contracts. These contracts reveal problematic asymmetry and give pastoralists little job security, control, or access to employee benefits. These circumstances oppose inclusive growth paradigms and demonstrate elements of precarious work. The shared interest in maintaining pastoral culture may unify this fragmented industry.  相似文献   
70.
ABSTRACT

The right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party won India’s 2014 general election by promising development for all. Such promises have generally turned out to be empty. A recent nationwide survey shows that there is widespread disenchantment with this government. This article briefly discusses the disappointing economic and social-political record of the government. Based on empirical information from the above-mentioned survey, it then discusses how the dismal development record is registering in the minds of people who are becoming disillusioned with the government. The article also provides some general reflections on the government, including on the internal connection between government’s pro-business nature and its Hindu nationalist-sectarian character spreading religious hatred and division.  相似文献   
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