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941.
从制度变迁看澳门赌权开放的的历史、现状及发展 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
邹勇兵 《广东行政学院学报》2003,15(6):72-76
澳门赌权开放是一个制度变迁过程,政府在其中发挥了重要作用。在澳门博彩业今后的发展中,澳门特区政府应该树立一种"良性竞争,不断改革"的理念,进一步打破垄断,放开经营,为促进澳门博彩业的健康快速发展提供更有利的制度环境和市场环境。 相似文献
942.
范占军 《中国青年政治学院学报》2003,22(6):67-70
近年来国有银行体系的商业化改革没有实质性进展,日益重要的民营经济部门融资困难的问题依然突出。深层次的原因是供给主导型制度变迁方式走入困境,而现实中又不存在使改革顺利转入"中间扩散型"进而需求诱致型变迁方式的客观基础。合理的路径是分类重组现有一级分行,推进制度变迁方式的转换。 相似文献
943.
Public management policies have changed significantly in numerous countries in recent times. Policy entrepreneurs remain active in this policy domain, which encompasses government-wide rules and routines in the areas of expenditure planning and financial management, civil service and labor relations, procurement, organization and methods, and audit and evaluation. Case-oriented comparative research provides policy entrepreneurs with historically and theoretically informed knowledge useful in designing or improvising change strategies in this domain. This article focuses on the case of public management policymaking in the German federal government during the 1980s and 1990s. A coherent explanation of the careers of the overbureaucratization issue in the 1980s and the lean state issue in the 1990s is provided, along with an explanation for marked changes in selected public management policies in the 1990s. Analysis of this case is also harmonized with findings about public management policy change in the U.K., New Zealand, and Australia. Limited generalizations about the process of public management policy change are proposed. Policy entrepreneurs can factor these generalizations, plus analysis of the Germany case, into their prospective, situational analysis of the process of public management policy change. 相似文献
944.
Charles Weiss 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2003,3(2):137-166
The debate between advocates of the "Precautionary Principle" and those of "science-based regulation" hinges in large part on the standard of proof to be applied to the scientific evidence that a given action poses a danger of serious and irreversible environmental harm. We propose an intermediate approach, which we term "science-based precaution," intended to facilitate adaptive management of environmental issues – that is, learning through experience and experimentation.We propose that evidence justifying precautionary action must be sufficient to create a "reasonable belief" of serious and irreversible environmental danger. In other cases, in which the proponents of an action bear the burden of proof that the actions they propose will not cause environmental harm, we propose that they must make a "clear showing"to that effect. Both of these standards of proof are derived from a scale constructed from the standards of proof used in various branches of US law.The "reasonableness" standard of proof for the application of the Precautionary Principle is more cautious than the record of international efforts to protect the stratospheric ozone layer and to deal with climate change. It is analogous to the standard of proof imposed by US administrative law, and is also consistent with the position of the European Union and the holdings of the WTO Dispute Settlement Body in the beef hormones case. We further propose a Reasonableness Principle: that scientific research and technological innovations promising major benefits not be unreasonably blocked before their full implications are understood. 相似文献
945.
Jan Erk 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2018,25(2):153-176
World politics tend to go through cycles of long periods of stable borders followed by bursts of secessionist movements. For this reason, it is important to examine whether the two recent cases of secessionism in the Northern Hemisphere symbolise such a turn in world politics. After reviewing the Catalan and Kurdish secessionist movements, the article turns to the history of secessionism in order to distil comparative insights and lessons. The main part of the article examines six categories of secessionism in Africa. In particular, the emphasis is on highlighting the various historical patterns of self-determination and border change in Africa. The final part is a comparative reflection on the future of secessionism in Africa. 相似文献
946.
AbstractItalian politics have undergone momentous change in the 2007–2017 decade under the impact of the eurozone crisis, whose peak in 2011–2013 could be equated to the earlier watershed years of 1992–1994. The lasting impact of the upheaval in Italian politics in the early 1990s could still be felt in the decade of economic recession, but there were also new challenges prompted by a crisis that had its roots in international financial contagion and which unravelled under the shadow of both recession and austerity. The changes were of an economic, social, cultural, institutional, policy-oriented and political nature. If one central quintessentially political theme stands out by the end of this decade it is the apparent exhaustion of the quest for bipolarisation that was initiated in the early 1990s. 相似文献
947.
Filippo Tronconi 《South European society & politics》2018,23(1):163-180
AbstractThe Movimento Cinque Stelle (M5S) represents the most significant occurrence in Italian party politics during the economic crisis that commenced in 2008. Founded in 2005, the party caused a major upset at the 2013 national elections, with a subsequent major impact on the Italian party system, which is analysed along four dimensions: amount of change; number of relevant competitors; alteration of the political space; and degree of nationalisation. The sudden electoral success, in turn, presented the party with a number of challenges that forced it to adapt its organisational nature. Moreover, the anti-establishment nature of the M5S is questioned by its activities in the legislative arena. As with other outsider parties, this poses the dilemma of being part of the establishment while criticising it. The M5S has thus been forced to redefine its main goals and style of communication in order to adapt to the new institutional environment without losing the palingenetic aspiration of its original message. 相似文献
948.
Fabian Burkhardt 《后苏联事务》2017,33(6):472-495
What role do formal institutions play in the consolidation of authoritarian regimes such as the Russian Federation? Oftentimes, it is assumed that autocrats, usually potent presidents, wield informal powers and control far-flung patron–client networks that undermine formal institutions and bolster their rule. After the institutional turn in authoritarianism studies, elections, parties, legislatures, or courts have taken center stage, yet presidencies and public law are still on the margins of this research paradigm. This paper proposes a method for measuring subconstitutional presidential power and its change by federal law, decrees, and Constitutional Court rulings as well as a theoretical framework for explaining when and under which conditions subconstitutional presidential power expands. It is argued that as a result of a gradual, small-scale, and slow-moving process of layering, presidential powers have been accumulated over time. This furthers the institutionalization of presidential advantage toward other federal and regional institutions, which in turn contributes to the consolidation of authoritarianism. 相似文献
949.
非政府组织的制度分析 总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8
本文从制度分析的角度考量非政府组织,认为非政府组织是关于准公共物品分配的一种制度安排, 分别从空间维度和时间维度研究非政府组织,并最终考察了非政府组织的制度边界和制度变迁,以期提升我国社会组织的良性运行与和谐发展。 相似文献
950.
不动产登记与不动产物权变动的关系 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
尹田 《河南省政法管理干部学院学报》2005,20(5):74-77
不动产物权登记的主要作用在于使物权权属关系得以透明,使第三人拥有一种判断物权种类、物权内容以及物权人的途径,保证第三人的信赖利益不致遭受损害。但在采物权变动公示成立要件主义的情况下,不动产登记的效力有可能被夸张。因此,对于不动产物权公示成立要件主义,可以理解为“凡不动产物权因当事人的意思表示而设定或者变动的,非经登记不发生效力”。但不可理解为“一切不动产物权之得失变动,非经登记,不得发生效力”。 相似文献