论重婚罪的几个问题

重婚罪中的配偶,应当理解为事实婚姻和所有符合法定结婚形式要件的婚姻当事人,其中包括不符合结婚实质要件但未经宣告无效和撤销的婚姻当事人。关于有配偶者重婚的问题,应仅限于与他人进行了婚姻登记的情形,同时增设非法同居罪规制有配偶者与他人同居的情形,以维护社会和家庭的稳定。     

非婚同居的规制不会冲击结婚登记制度

结婚登记制度是非婚同居产生的制度条件,非婚同居不是对现行婚姻制度的冲击,非婚同居制度与结婚登记制度可以相得益彰。法律保护非婚同居,虽在一定程度上弱化婚姻法价值导向,但并没有动摇婚姻的主流地位,破坏家庭法目标的实现。婚姻危机无法缓解,并不能因此归责于法律承认和保护了非婚同居,而应正视和反思婚姻制度自身所面临的问题。法律对非婚同居的承认,并不排斥婚姻制度,人们根据自身的需要选择不同的两性结合方式。婚姻依然是人类自我延续和子女健康成长的必不可少的组织,应将婚姻置于优先保护的地位,赋予婚姻与非婚同居不同的待遇,婚姻家庭模式的主流地位得以巩固。     

On the social basis and legislative propositions of establishing non-marital cohabitation law of the PRC

Non-marital cohabitation is one kind of the ＂family＂ lifestyle which people independently choose. A harmonious society is that of sustainable development society which treats people as its center, and objectively, it requires respecting for people＇s right to choose their lifestyles independently. However, the social problems arising from non-marital cohabitation shouldn＇t be neglected. The laws should recognize the concerned parties＇ freedom to freely choose the lifestyle of non-marital cohabitation and also prevent such social problems which it possibly causes. The authors propose that the special legal system of non-marital cohabitation should be established, for the purpose of promptly preventing and solving the disputes which triggered by non-marital cohabitation, protecting the rights and interests of the concerned parties and their children, and hence promoting the construction of the harmonious society in China.     

夫妻共同债务认定标准的中西法传统比较

夫妻共同债务认定的司法乱象丛生，在于财产契约属性的民商事规则取代共同生活的婚姻纠纷考量规则的价值取向偏差，突破了合同相对性而过度保护债权，亟待以夫妻共同债务认定标准的中西法传统比较为镜鉴，正本溯源。夫妻共同债务中所借债务为了婚姻关系符合伦理和法理正当目的的属性不同，由此形成特色迥异的认定原则。我国同居共财的吸收原则，迥异于罗马法基于意识自治的分离原则，相互交汇于共同生活的统摄原则。吸收原则很难内生性进化发展，但有利于婚姻关系共同体的稳定，而分离原则易于矫枉过正，治理成本极大，却尊重个人独立。故惟有以致中和的夫妻债务认定理念来构建防范债权风险的制度，并落实在救济弱者的司法裁量中，方能解决夫妻共同债务认定标准的根源问题。     

Plurality support for democratic decay: the 2019 Polish parliamentary election

Abstract

The 2019 parliamentary election in Poland resulted in continuity of the incumbent PiS party-coalition. The election saw, for Poland, an unprecedented turnout of 62%. The 44% support for PiS translated into a 51% majority in the Lower House. The ability of the three opposition blocs (KO, SLD and PSL) to coordinate their political campaign for the upper chamber resulted in their victory – PiS lost the majority in the Senate. This post-2019 period thus starts as parliamentary cohabitation. The preceding four years had witnessed repeated violations of the constitution by the government (including attempts to dismantle the separation of powers and to turn public media into a partisan propaganda machine) accompanied by a general anti-liberal and anti-European stance. The electorates of the two major party-blocks have polarized in terms of their socio-demographic features. The new government does not differ much from the pre-election one, with the same PM and most ministers. The first weeks of its governing indicate that the government’s general as well as sectoral policies will be continued, including the controversial, illiberal ones. Finally, the election though free, was unfair, if for no other reason than the simple one of the partisan nature of the public media.     

From Mrs. Burns To Mrs. Oxley: Do Co-habiting Women (Still) Need Marriage Law?

Following the U.K. Labour government commitment to marriage in the 1998 Green Paper ‘Supporting Families’, Barlow and Duncan produced a robust critique calling for ‘realism’ in recognising that many couples are now choosing not to marry, that too many do not make informed decisions as to whether to marry or not and that, on the basis of their survey, over 40% of respondents believed that some form of family law protection would be available to them, despite their lack of marital status. When added to a concern that economically vulnerable cohabiting women do not receive adequate protection in property law, it seemed all too obvious that the government commitment to marriage should be challenged. In fact, government policy does seem to have shifted somewhat when, partly as a tactical manoeuvre to help the passage of the Civil Partnership Act 2004 and specifically recognising concerns with the needs of economically vulnerable parties, the issue was referred to the Law Commission for England and Wales. This places the ‘realism’ arguments firmly within the reform agenda. However, this article argues that there is a need to look more closely at the arguments used by the ‘realists’, in particular at the evocation of the figure of Mrs. Burns. The more contemporary case of Oxley v. Hiscock is used to both raise questions about the socio-economic profiles of cohabitants, as well to question the presentation of property law as failing women (and family law as offering the protection they need). I argue that feminists should take a cautious approach in relation to the seemingly compelling argument that cohabitants will benefit from the extension of aspects of marriage law to cover property issues at the end of a relationship.     

"反射性"立法中的非婚同居域外法规制

从自由原则被确立为家庭法的重要原则肇始,离婚、性解放、女权主义相继成为时代的标签,非婚同居也在广泛的意义上成为时代的特征之一.域外各国,对非婚同居进行法律规制的改革呼声很高,究其原因,可归为法律社会化,即社会之现实要求"反射"于立法,并成为立法革新之推动力.于自由、于公正、于平等、于人性,此种立法模式的介绍和引进对我国现代婚姻法体系的构建均有裨益.     

论"一夫同日娶二妻"行为之定性--兼论现行法律对保障一夫一妻制实施规定的缺陷及立法完善

按现行法律,"一夫同日娶二妻"属于同居关系。为保障一夫一妻制的实施,应在制定民法典时增加禁止"其他违反一夫一妻制的行为";修改刑法时,提高重婚罪的最高刑期,增设附加刑"罚金",增设"破坏一夫一妻罪"。     

非婚同居法律问题探析

近年来,传统的婚姻家庭思想观念正受到越来越大的挑战,非婚同居现象的增多是其主要表现之一。而这一现象在我国却没有得到完善的法律法规的规制,由此引发了许多纠纷。因此,应当从维护合法婚姻的权威和保护相关当事人正当权益出发,理性分析并界定非婚同居的法律地位,参照和借鉴国外有关立法经验,构建符合中国国情的非婚同居法律制度。     

无效婚姻的若干法律问题

在 2 0 0 1年修订实施的婚姻法中 ,增加了无效婚姻制度 ,规定了婚姻无效的法定情形。这是对 1980年婚姻法的补充 ,这一补充使婚姻法律制度在司法实践中更具有可操作性。