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871.
面对国际金融危机对我国经济的影响,中国工会必须准确把握职工权益和劳动关系面临的新情况;自觉坚持走中国特色社会主义工会发展道路,团结广大职工群众积极应对严峻挑战,充分发挥工人阶级主力军作用;以改革创新精神加强自身建设、化危为机,努力使中国特色社会主义工会发展道路越走越宽广.  相似文献   
872.
Abstract: Over the course of this article, the author argues that ethics and the erotic are interrelated. The author also contends that the way subjectivities are constructed has a strong impact on the development of the ethical and the erotic character of these same subjectivities. Against this backdrop, the author postulates that envisioning or creating oneself as a grotesque subject promises to facilitate one's own development into a moral and erotic human being by triggering a process of inner estrangement that enables one to recognize the otherness within oneself. This analysis is based mainly on Mikhail Bakhtin's grotesque as presented in his Rabelais and His World (1965). This self-introspection serves as the basis for an ethical eroticism through which one shall transform oneself into a fully fledged moral and sensual subject. In formulating this argument, the author draws on Simone de Beauvoir's own attempt to link the erotic to the ethical. As will be seen, the same principle that stands at the heart of a phenomenological ethics also steers the author's phenomenological conception of the erotic. The principle in question is carnal intersubjectivity-bodies that penetrate one another and merge, yet never lose themselves in the other's carnality. Put differently, they remain non-objectified subjects. The grotesque subject is presented as a figuration that helps shed light on the way the subject has been conceived by, above all, phenomenological and postmodern theorists. The author then explores some of the ethical ramifications of this conceptualization. Drawing on these insights, the author fashions an ethical eroticism that derives from a grotesque subjectivity.  相似文献   
873.
Abstract

This essay offers close readings of three texts that in different ways foreground the problems, possibilities and struggle involved in forging affective connections across difference between women: Kate Clanchy, What is She Doing Here? 2008, Jamaica Kincaid, Lucy, 1991a and Marlene Van Niekerk, ‘Labour’, 2004. The author argues that the incomplete and partial nature of affective moments represented in these texts signals possibilities for a cautiously redefined idea of affective feminist solidarity as it is mobilized in the intimacy of domestic spaces.  相似文献   
874.
随着共享经济在全球范围内崛起,共享经济服务提供者人数不断增加,平台从业者劳动关系问题受到广泛关注。世界各国基于\"控制论\"或\"从属论\"的思路,建立了以\"二元论\"或\"三分法\"为基础的劳动关系认定体系。研究对比分析了不同国家劳动关系判定的法律标准及其在平台从业者劳动关系认定中的应用,并在典型国家案例分析的基础上,进一步比较了\"二元论\"和\"三分法\"判定平台从业者劳动关系的效果。研究认为,劳动关系须以人格从属性为本质,不可因规模有限的新兴就业形态而轻言改变。  相似文献   
875.
数字经济时代,构建和谐的劳资关系是维护数字劳动正义的内在要求,也是促进数字经济高质 量发展的基础保障。本研究以剖析资本的本质特性入手,阐明数字时代资本平台存在的数字契约矛盾及其异化 原理,接着分析我国平台契约关系面临的劳动权益保障问题,最后从制度、平台、技术的三重维度提出应对之 策。研究认为:数字劳动正义是资本平台劳动权益的契约保证和价值指引。应通过国家公权力强化数字劳动主 权,健全劳动权益保障体系,规范资本平台与算法权力,合理分配平台劳资利益,构建以人为本的技术价值观, 从而促进数字劳动正义与数字经济发展的协调统一。  相似文献   
876.
我国的经济体制改革现已取得了巨大的成就,但从我国经济发展面临的矛盾,从经济全球化进程中遇到的挑战,从实现小康目标对经济建设的要求看,必须完善我国经济体制。根据目前改革的进程和《决定》对改革的要求,我们应在国有企业、所有制结构、农村经营体制、市场体系、政府行政管理体制等方面实现新突破。鉴于现阶段的经济体制改革是项系统工程,改革的任务艰巨又复杂,因此必须全面地、辩证地处理好改革过程中的若干关系。  相似文献   
877.
Since the beginning of the Cuban Revolution, Raúl Castro and his Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR) has sought to maintain at least operational control over state security, i.e., the Ministry of Interior (Minint). Between 1960 and 1989 FAR and Minint competed for resources and for the attention of the Revolution’s supreme leader, Fidel Castro. In 1989 Raúl Castro was finally able to achieve his objective of absorbing Minint’s operational missions, namely domestic security, when, after a series of crises associated with the end of the Cold War, corruption scandals in Minint, and indiscretions by the Minint leadership, Fidel acquiesced and allowed Raúl and FAR to purge Minint and take control of state security.  相似文献   
878.
Gertrudis Gómez de Avellaneda’s Sab (1841) has come to be regarded as an iconic work in the canon of nineteenth‐century Cuban fiction, celebrated as much for its literary pedigree as for its radical combination of anti‐slavery and feminist ideas. Yet it has been the subject of very divergent critical appraisals. This essay sets out to breathe new life into Avellaneda’s novel by interpreting it through a postcolonial optic. Drawing on ideas from the scholarship of Edward Said and Frantz Fanon, as well as the ideas of literary theorist Mikhail Bakhtin, these pages explore the implications of its nationalist, racial, sexual and feminist politics for Sab’s anti‐slavery meaning. This postcolonial reading provides a possible solution for the conflicts between its various interpretations.  相似文献   
879.
In the post-Mao era China’s society and religion are both becoming increasingly pluralistic. State policies toward religion are also evolving. Views of state-society relations as “totalitarian” exaggerate the state’s control; the civil-society approach overestimates society’s autonomy. This paper explains the state’s religious policies in terms of a “post-totalitarian” frame of reference. Religious organizations and the Communist Party share a reliance on ideology and organization to operate and survive, making them potential rivals. As a shrewd monopolist of organizational and ideological instruments, the state seeks to reduce the threat posed by religion, adopting differentiated strategies toward them as they revive. The state co-opts, tolerates, deters, restricts, or suppresses different religions or sects, according to each specific religion’s organizational strength, doctrine, and compliance with state authority. The state is thus able to prevent the rise of large, independent, and organized religious groups while leaving considerable space for religious activity. Dr. H. H. Lai is a faculty member the National University of Singapore who has researched on China’s state-society relations. The author would like to thank three anonymous reviewers for their comments and Mr. Kelly for his thorough and helpful copy editing.  相似文献   
880.
This paper discusses the past and contemporary legal harmonisation exercises of family law in the Nordic countries and Europe. The critique is that the harmonised ‹European family law’ only entrenches the status quo and reiterates traditional family patterns, the male norm, heteronormativity, and a public/private divide represented in the neutral guise of a liberal rights discourse. Furthermore, the critics point out that the political economy of legal harmonisation is, to a large extent, ignored. In the Nordic countries, egalitarianism and broad political deliberation characterised much of the previous legal harmonisation, whereas rights discourse in its liberal sense is a novelty, more or less triggered by the European integration. This paper discusses the gendered implications of the emerging rights discourse in the Nordic countries and the linkages between family law, the labour market and social welfare. The paper argues that the harmonisation exercise cannot be regarded as one consisting only of legal norms and reasoning, but rather it should be discussed from the perspective of a political and epistemological challenge to the prevailing ‹truths’ about marriage, family and sexuality.  相似文献   
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