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61.
口头辩论原本是一种审理程序构造,是对书面主义下书面审理制诉讼程序的反动。在程序构造上,口头辩论审理样式表现为一系列以当事人之间口头诉答和法官听取为内容的口头辩论期日。通过口头方式使口头辩论本身蕴含的诸原则得以贯彻落实,并成为其有序高效运营的机理。以口头辩论审理样式为鉴,我国民事诉讼审理程序应从形式到内容贯彻落实口头审理样式蕴含的诸原则,以便使我国的民事审理程序既具口头辩论审理样式的外衣,也具其有序、高效的程序内涵。 相似文献
62.
综合运用民商法学、海上保险法学、国际法学等学科知识和基础理论,结合经典案例,通过考察英美法系国家海上保险立法和实践,对保赔协会的法律地位进行分析,并在此基础上,对中国船东互保协会法律地位的立法完善提出建议。 相似文献
63.
64.
Zhang Jian 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2008,18(1):74-87
The EU's strategy for Russia since the end of the cold war has to a large extent failed, and the direct consequences are the currently deadlocked EU-Russia relationship. There are three reasons for this: the EU and Russia's respective strength and status relative to each other have been changing since the beginning of this century; the EU's strategy towards Russia has been more fragmenting in recently years; and the American factor. The EU-Russia relations could continue to be in poor shape in the years to come, and it is very likely sometimes even further worsening. But the two sides would refrain from extreme measures and prevent their relations from sliding into real cold war. 相似文献
65.
中国学界近年一直激烈讨论外国法中的"非法证据排除制度",其中包括德国刑事诉讼法中的证据禁止制度。对于德国刑事诉讼法第55条规定的"不得自证其罪原则"和第52条至第54条规定的"拒绝作证权"的讨论尤为激烈,纷纷主张在中国建立相应的刑事诉讼制度规范,以保障犯罪嫌疑人、被告人和证人的权益。德国法判例表明,违背"不得自证其罪原则"将导致德国法上的证据使用禁止。另外,德国法庭审判强调直接审理原则,其中调查程序中的笔录不可以作为证据在法庭审判中宣读,甚至对于传闻证据——调查程序中进行审讯的警察和检察官——也不可以作为证人出庭作证。 相似文献
66.
Political advertising on Facebook is the latest in a long line of developments in campaign practice, and is a tool that has been mobilised extensively in elections around the world. In this article, we explore what we know about Facebook advertising at elections and ask what existing data from the UK Electoral Commission can reveal about current usage. Highlighting the principles behind Facebook advertising, we argue that existing metrics offer little insight into current campaign trends—posing analytical, methodological and normative challenges for academics and electoral regulators alike. Moreover, we argue that these challenges strike at the heart of debates about democratic responsibility and the degree to which governments should cede responsibility to commercial actors who may have differing understandings of fundamental democratic norms. 相似文献
67.
ABSTRACTIn this paper, Rheindorf and Wodak provide a discourse-historical analysis of extreme-right cultural politics in Austria, ranging from the blatant racism in the speeches of Vienna’s former Deputy Mayor Johann Gudenus (now MP in the Austrian parliament) to the construction of an idealized national body in the election campaigns of the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), its programmatic agenda in handbooks and pamphlets, and the performances of far-right pop singer Andreas Gabalier. Rheindorf and Wodak argue that such cultural politics use a wide spectrum of discursive strategies both inside and outside established party politics and that the accompanying production of an ideal extreme-right subject is informed by nativist ideology. The cross-sectional analysis demonstrates that the cultural politics of the Austrian extreme right ranges from appropriated national symbols to coded National Socialist iconography. These politics pervasively construct a gendered and racialized national body, policed by a ‘strict father’ and nurtured by a ‘self-sacrificing mother’, vis-à-vis an apocalyptic threat scenario identified with migration, intellectual and political elites, cosmopolitanism and progressive gender politics. 相似文献
68.
Helen Caple 《社会征候学》2019,29(4):427-447
Instagram is an image-centric social media application, launched in October 2010 with the explicit aim of allowing members to share their smart phone photos with the world. Posts typically combine photographs with a short verbal text, and as such provide fertile ground for multisemiotic analysis. Further, at times of political significance or upheaval, Instagram, like other social media platforms, provides a space for the public to express opinions or emotions. The fact that citizens do this through a combination of words and images on Instagram is the subject of analysis in this article. Using a dataset of 92 Instagram posts that made use of the discourse tagging hashtag #dogsatpollingstations at the time of the 2016 Australian federal election, this study demonstrates the multisemiotic strategies used by members of the public to show their dissatisfaction with the incumbent government, and their endorsement of other political parties. The study also demonstrates the triangulation of multiple methods, and as such is an example of corpus-assisted multimodal discourse analysis. 相似文献
69.
朱富强 《西南政法大学学报》2009,11(4):110-120
现代社会民主化进程中往往呈现出两种现象:一是庸人往往占据高位,而那些事变创造性人物则越来越为主流社会所遗弃,导致新思想对社会产生作用的时滞越来越长;二是呈现出强烈的极端性和好斗性,那些拥有权力优势的国家和个人更易于实行机会主义。究其原因,这体现了当今民主体制的缺陷和相关条件的不成熟。一者,如果对民主选举的范围和内容不进行界定,那么多数至上规则中获得优胜的往往是基于影响力原则而不是贤能原则;二者,如果社会大众的教育水平没有达到一定程度,那么集体行动往往会呈现出狂热和非理性。 相似文献
70.
袁绍东 《胜利油田党校学报》2014,(2):23-29
协商民主是20世纪80年代兴起于西方的一种民主理论范式。传入中国后,引起了国内学者的广泛关注,党的十八大提出了发展"社会主义协商民主"的目标。从结构上看,社会主义协商民主应该包括党内协商民主、执政协商民主、国内党际协商民主以及人民协商民主四个方面。就目前而言,我国既存在着发展社会主义协商民主的有利因素,同时也存在着民主传统缺失、选举民主不发达、公民社会发育不成熟等不利因素。发展社会主义协商民主,在思想上要正确理解社会主义协商民主与西方协商民主、政治协商以及选举民主的内在区别,在制度上要将协商嵌入票决民主的已有制度结构,在行动上要选好社会主义协商民主的突破口。 相似文献