延安精神及其生成环境与条件的历史考察

延安精神作为中共的一笔宝贵财富，具有革命性、民族性、时代性和群体性特征，是中共在延安时期领导民族独立和人类解放斗争实践中，倡导、培育、形成的把传承中华民族精神与彰显共产党人革命精神有机结合，既体现无产阶级及其政党性质、宗旨，又富有广泛人民性的具有鲜明时代特征的群体精神风貌和道德情操。在各种因素综合作用下，使得延安时期培育生成了伟大的延安精神。     

公共关系视角下的企业生态化管理初探

以生态学的观点为元理论，将公共关系进行本质回归，探讨公共关系视角下企业与社会环境的互动匹配，生态位的内涵、价值和选择，以及生态智慧哲学，认为公共关系管理应该上升到生态化管理的高度，即企业运用传播沟通的手段促使其与社会环境的适应状态最优化，以形象生态位为基石，构建和维护基于生态智慧的和谐关系生态。     

绩效考核在公安机关应用的价值分析

绩效考核起源于西方国家文官（公务员）制度。公安机关推行绩效考核,对进一步调动公安民警的工作积极性,增强公安工作的活力,提高公安队伍的整体战斗力具有重大的意义。但它的应用一定要考虑到它所适应的条件,绩效考核的管理方法才具有它的价值性。     

论网络环境下著作权合理使用的界定

网络环境下，如何在作者、传播者和使用者之间建立平衡，以适应通讯技术与数字技术的发展，合理使用制度发挥着不可忽视的缓和作用。文章提出著作权合理使用的判断标准，并对其合理使用的范围做了界定。     

区域知识产权自主创新能力与潜力研究——以河北省为例

区域知识产权自主创新是国家知识产权战略的重要组成部分,但目前我国区域知识产权创新还存在着数量少、质量低、创新效率不高等问题。本文以河北省为例,分析了问题的主要原因在于知识产权创新体系不完善,创新意识淡薄,创新激励机制不完善,高层次创新人才不足,创新经费投入强度较低,创新平台的规模、结构不合理等六个方面。提高我国区域知识产权自主创新能力需要营造良好的知识产权创新社会文化环境,建立健全知识产权工作体系,培养和吸引高层次人才,拓宽融资渠道,建设并优化创新平台。     

环境刑法的生态本位论纲

要实现环境刑法基本理念的突破，亟需回归环境刑法应然的生态本位。一方面要主张环境刑法应以环境大生态的可持续存在和发展为目的，这有利于实现环境大生态的安全、公正、和谐等价值；另一方面要批判环境刑法的行政从属性，这有利于发挥环境刑法的生态保护作用。     

生态帝国主义与全球化

“全球化”是伴随着资本主义社会的兴起而开始其自身的发展历程的。全球化从一定程度上说是资本主义制度在全球的扩张，是资本主义的全球化，始终伴随着资本主义财富的积累和权力的增大。资本主义的经济、政治、文化在资本主义全球化的过程中起着重要作用，但同时，生态问题也是一个不容忽视的重要因素，生态帝国主义是资本主义发展的策略手段，是资本主义制度权力扩张的必然结果，也是推动资本主义全球化的重要力量，并且也在为资本主义向社会主义的转化积累着条件。该文试图从欧洲过去1000年的生态扩张历程和当前资本主义生态危机转移的角度来说明生态帝国主义在全球的扩张。     

Polycentric Systems and Multiscale Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation in the Built Environment

Addressing climate change requires consideration of mitigation and adaptation opportunities at multiple spatial scales. This is particularly true in the built environment, defined here to include individual buildings, neighborhoods, and the spaces between. The current U.S. political environment portends fewer resources and coordinating services for mitigation and adaptation at the federal level, however, reinforcing the relevance and necessity of actions at subnational levels. In this study, we evaluate the applicability of a polycentric model of governance to the implementation of mitigation and adaptation practices, as well as the presence of polycentric systems in the built environment. We assemble a database of practices with the potential to achieve both mitigation and adaptation objectives, as well as those that may be cross‐purposed or that may achieve one but not the other. We review practices to gauge the applicability of a polycentric model of governance to mitigation and adaptation practices in the built environment, and examine the attributes of three existing adaptation and/or mitigation programs to assess the extent to which they exhibit polycentric attributes. We conclude with recommendations for a broader research agenda, including efforts to develop more in‐depth examinations into individual programs and comparative analysis of performances of different governance attributes.     

The Effects of Women Officeholders on Environmental Policy

Studies show that women and girls consistently demonstrate higher levels of concern for the environment than men and boys. Separately, research also indicates that women officeholders pay particular attention to the issues prioritized by their female constituents. Interestingly, despite the consistency of the gender gap in attitudes to environmental issues the literature has paid scant attention to the role of women officeholders in the adoption of environmental policy. The goal of this paper was to start to address that lacuna. Using pooled cross‐sectional time series analyses of environmental standards in 18 Western parliamentary democracies (1990–2012), our initial findings indicate women officeholders are associated with the adoption of higher environmental standards.     

Smokescreen Politics? Ratcheting Up EU Emissions Trading in 2017

The reform of the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) adopted in November 2017 was surprisingly strong, given the previous opposition from central member‐states like Poland and key stakeholders like the energy‐intensive industries. The carbon price has also increased substantially since then. To explain why such major reform was possible, we present several findings with wider relevance. Importantly, all the actors pushing for a more ambitious reform benefitted from having a central, “second‐best” mechanism in place—the Market Stability Reserve (MSR)—which could be further tightened. By focusing cancelation on allowances in the MSR and taking place only after 2023, policy entrepreneurs managed to make the distribution of costs obscure and diffuse, whereas the benefits (a probable higher carbon price and related greater auctioning revenues for member‐states) were more specific and closer in time. That is what we call “smokescreen politics.”