都市生态治理中党政干部领导力探讨

推进都市生态治理是促进区域经济社会协调可持续发展的应有之义.本文以A省S市都市生态治理中党政干部领导力为基点,阐释了S市党政干部在生态治理中发挥的核心作用,同时也发现其中面临领导动力弱化、领导效益损耗、领导协同失效、领导制度选择性执行等困局.因此,应从增强都市生态治理中党政干部领导自洽力、提升领导转换力、激活领导制度力...     

从唯物史观视野探析生态危机形成的根源

人类面临生态危机已成为共识,而全球生态环境的恶化仍在继续;究其原因,有人主张是“人类中心主义”。然而,形成生态危机的原因错综复杂,不能简单地归咎于“人类中心主义”。用马克思主义唯物史观分析,生态危机的形成与生产力、生产关系(经济基础)乃至上层建筑都有关系。     

民族地区生态补偿机制研究

民族地区生态补偿机制是一项关系到我国民族地区生态保护和建设成败的系统工程。从法律制度上解决民族地区生态补偿机制理论现实根据、核心内容和实现保障,是有效建立和实施民族地区生态补偿机制的紧迫任务。民族地区生态补偿机制的现实根据是实现民族地区在缓解贫困中对日益恶化的生态环境进行保护和恢复;民族地区生态补偿机制的理论根据是环境建设和保护正外部性的内部化原理。民族地区生态补偿机制的构成可以设计为静态框架结构和动态实现安排两大部分。     

岷江上游地区晚全新世以来环境变迁与民族迁移

人类社会发展的历史进程中必然伴随不同规模的人口迁移现象。对这一现象的产生一般从政治、经济、战争、饥荒等角度加以解释,而环境因素的作用一直被大多数研究者所忽视。本文以岷江上游多民族分布地区为例,分别论述岷江上游地区晚全新世以来环境变化和民族迁移的历史,并由此探讨环境变迁与民族迁移的耦合关系。研究表明,环境变迁对岷江上游地区民族迁入的影响主要包括两个方面:一方面是向干旱寒冷气候的变化迫使当地民族向气候适宜地区迁移,另一方面是由于气候的突变引起的洪涝灾害以及资源缺乏等使农业生产力降低,从而促使社会动乱并导致民族迁移。     

WTO体制下的贸易与环境若干问题评析--基于GATS与环境服务贸易的视角

环境服务谈判纳入GATS之中以及由此带来的法律适用上的冲突,从一个侧面折射出多边贸易体制下贸易与环境问题的复杂性.平衡与协调贸易与环境问题的难度与多边谈判的曲折,使许多问题已超出WTO体制的承载,通过对环境服务贸易在GATS协定中的法律适用的分析,反映出在WTO体制下处理好贸易与环境议题,尚需在理论与实践上作出进一步的探讨与努力.     

美与生态健康在语境性审美体验中的整合——以伊顿的审美理论为讨论中心

借鉴生态学知识与原理来重新解释审美活动及其一系列关键词是生态美学建构的重要组成部分,针对生态危机这个时代语境来重释"美"的要点则是解释它与"生态健康"的内在关联,其理论难点是将认识性的、不可感知的"生态健康"内容有机地融合到审美体验之中,从而建构出有别于传统之"美"的"生态健康之美",进而将传统的审美体验转化为生态审美...     

环境保护信托--环保资本运营的新亮点

环保信托是环保资本运营的新亮点。将环保与信托两者有机地结合起来,环保市场可以得到信托业的大力支持和严格规范,从而保证其良性发展。这主要因为信托具有提高环保资本运营效率的功能。环保信托的创设主要是利用信托的增值功能、保全功能、融资功能和避税功能。     

技术创新的外部效应与生态化转向研究

技术创新的外部效应是导致环境污染与生态恶化的诱因之一。在市场条件下,通过征收庇古税等方法,虽然可以纠正这种外部效应,但没有从根本上解除环境污染与生态恶化等问题。实现技术创新生态化,使技术创新朝有利于可持续发展的方向发展是解决技术创新外部效应的必然选择,也是根本出路。     

Making a Place for Alternative Technologies: The Case of Agricultural Bio‐Inputs in Argentina

This article characterizes the ways in which the actors in charge of designing and implementing public policies intervene to promote the emergence of alternatives to problematic technologies. It is based on a case study conducted in Argentina that focuses on initiatives to promote the development of biological agricultural inputs in the context of increasingly controversial chemical inputs. The study spotlights the political, institutional, and semantic efforts made by policy makers and public administrations to ensure these new inputs find their way into organizations and onto their agendas. Their work consists in attenuating the boundaries between chemical and biological inputs, and reducing opposition by creating categories and organizations that downplay potential dissension and highlight the possible coexistence of technological paradigms. Contrary to what the injunctions of technological substitution suggest, we show that putting alternative technologies on the public agenda depends largely on their inclusion in institutional and regulatory infrastructures originally designed for technologies that are likely to decline. More broadly, it relies on the construction of continuity between the two types of technologies.     

Political Candidates and the Energy Issue: Nuclear Power Position and Electoral Success

Members of parliament are key actors for the implementation of energy transitions, such as phasing out nuclear power. Before legislators can cast their maybe decisive vote in parliament, they need to run for office and actively strive for election. This paper assesses what political candidates oppose renewable energy transitions and questions whether the energy issue matters in national elections, and thus has consequences for the implementation of new sustainable energy sources. We analyze these questions by first describing the specific characteristics of political candidates. The paper then evaluates the relevance of the energy issue for electoral success in three national elections in Switzerland (2007, 2012, and 2015). Based on candidate data from the voting advice application smartvote.ch, we find that female candidates support ETs more than men do; that especially the French‐speaking part of the country is more in favor of a nuclear phase‐out, and that younger candidates are also more open toward restructuring the energy system than older candidates are. Our models further show that the energy issue does not matter in elections, independently from its salience in the respective election campaigns. Candidates are thus relatively free to choose their position on the issue and do not have to fear consequences at the ballot. However, candidates of center parties, in contrast to the pole parties, are sensitive to the energy issue and reflect public mood in their positions.