毛泽东晚年大民主与小民主思想述评

大民主和小民主是民主的两种形式,毛泽东晚年多次谈到大民主和小民主的问题。在大民主方面,毛泽东认为,就是无产阶级领导下对敌人和官僚主义者实行专政的轰轰烈烈的群众运动,其主要形式是“四大”。在小民主方面,毛泽东认为,就是和风细雨地处理人民内部和党内问题,其主要形式是整风。大民主和小民主思想的目的是:反对官僚主义,防止和平演变,保持人民政权的纯洁性。但在实践中,大民主的恶果是:造成了整个社会的混乱,必定与个人崇拜、个人专断相呼应,使广大人民的民主权利受到严重摧残。     

互联网 + 对中国企业民主管理实践的影响

当前,"互联网+"已经升级为中国国家战略,政府出台政策号召群团组织要拥抱互联网,中华全国总工会积极推动互联网与工会工作例如企业民主管理相融合,互联网正逐渐打破传统企业民主管理政治参与现状,职工由被动参与向主动参与转变,由部分参与向全部参与转变,互联网助推中国企业民主管理回归产业民主实质。     

浅议促进城乡发展体一化

城乡发展一体化,是我国工业化、城镇化和农业现代化发展的现实要求。目前,以城乡二元经济结构为主的体制、较低的城镇化发展水平、农村产业不合理结构、差距明显的城乡基础设施建设以及政策制度的缺陷影响了城乡发展一体化,因此,应以促进城乡农业经营、城乡基础设施建设和公共服务、城乡建设与管理一体化为路径,加快促进城乡发展一体化。     

从范畴化论经济法学范畴

现有经济法学范畴理论框架以经典范畴理论为基础。将经典范畴理论僵硬地移入经济法学范畴理论的构建过程,存在逻辑缺陷与语境不适的困境,已造成经济法学范畴理论众说纷纭的局面。反思此种问题,可将语义哲学中的相关范畴化理论作为分析工具,对经典范畴理论、原型范畴理论、家族相似性理论在经济法学范畴理论的范畴化过程中的作用进行比较,在统一经济法学范畴理论问题时,应维护经典范畴论的客观性,兼容原型范畴论、家族相似性理论的社会性与建构性,把超拔的逻辑从先前抽象的高度降低到历时和共时的社会语境中,有助于得出科学的结论。     

中美复合战略稳定关系:建构依据、基本框架与发展趋势

中美战略稳定关系已经超越经典战略稳定性,向着复合战略稳定关系的方向演化。建构中美复合战略稳定关系是稳定两国关系的客观需要。彼此战略竞争加剧给中美之间非均势核威慑基础上的战略稳定性带来负面影响。在美国提高核力量于国家安全战略中的地位、将核武器重新作为霸权工具的背景下,中美战略稳定性面临挑战。特朗普政府对中国挑起贸易争端,经贸关系在中美关系中的“稳定器”和“压舱石”作用减弱,建构中美复合战略稳定关系的必要性凸显。中美之间经济深度相互依存,在维护国际体系稳定方面具有共同利益,这为建构中美复合战略稳定关系奠定了坚实的基础。中美复合战略稳定关系框架包括建立在非均势核威慑基础上的战略稳定性、双方经济的深度相互依存、战略互信、双方对话交流与合作机制等四根支柱,其中以非均势核威慑基础上的战略稳定性为核心支柱。虽然中美战略互信存在短板,但随着中国战略核力量的进步、中美经济相互依存的继续维持和双方对话交流与合作机制的成熟和完善,中美复合战略稳定关系将不断巩固。     

Regionalism in Crisis: GCC Integration without Democracy

ABSTRACT

At the core of “disembedded regionalism” in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is an incapacity to foster more representative forms of politics that are responsive to citizens. Instead, elite-to-elite relations are a salient feature that characterises Gulf politics. A radical re-reading of Jürgen Habermas and John Rawls, applied to the GCC in the first two decades of the 21st century, confirms that top-down management of politics is conducive to conflict and disintegration as against integration, marginalising the agenda of multi-level governance within the subregion. Set against the backdrop of the current blockade/crisis, this critical rendition throws into sharp relief the non-democratic brand of GCC regionalism.     

Can non-democracies support international democracy? Turkey as a case study

Abstract

In recent years, there has been a rise of interest in the concept of autocracy promotion, with scholars questioning whether the efforts by authoritarian governments to influence political transitions beyond their borders are necessarily pro-authoritarian. An extension of this question is whether some authoritarian governments may at times find it in their interest to support democracy abroad. This article aims to answer this question by focusing on the case of Turkey. It argues that, despite its rapidly deteriorating democracy since the late 2000s, Turkey has undertaken democracy support policies with the explicit goal of democratic transition in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region during the Arab Spring and, while not bearing the intention of democratic transition, has employed democracy support instruments in the form of state-building in sub-Saharan Africa since 2005 to the present day. Based on original fieldwork, the article finds that non-democracies can turn out as democracy supporters, if and when opportunities for strategic gains from democratisation abroad arise. The article further suggests that even in those cases where strategic interests do not necessitate regime change, a non-democracy may still deploy democracy support instruments to pursue its narrow interests, without adhering to an agenda for democratic transition.     

El Alto,Ciudad Rebelde: Organisational Bases for Revolt

The events of October 2003 reveal something about how Bolivian democracy works under ‘normal’ circumstances because they built upon well‐established patterns of political behaviour whereby corporate groupings have become used to direct negotiations with the government. It was the breakdown of these patterns that forced the resignation of the President in 2003. I detail here the collective identities that provide the foundations for mobilisational power in Bolivia and examine the organisation behind the uprising in El Alto and its roots in quotidian experiences of collective mobilisation. I conclude with a consideration of the relationship between social mobilisation, democracy and politics in contemporary Bolivia.     

从法律经济学的角度看专利制度的利弊——兼谈我国《专利法》的修订

现代专利法均毫无保留地肯定专利制度对经济发展的积极促进作用,但是,经济学家却对专利制度总体上的成本与效益众说纷纭。多数学者怀疑甚至否认专利制度的经济效益可能大于其经济成本。经济学研究成果表明专利制度会引起的巨大经济成本,该成本可能超出专利制度潜在的经济效益。因此,各国专利法应在保护专利权和公共利益之间达成一种平衡,从而减少专利制度的成本。我国的专利法过于强调专利制度的积极作用,对该制度的潜在消极影响估计不足,有待于进一步修订。     

宋代土家族地区农业经济发展论略

土家族是祖国民族大家庭中的重要成员，宋代是其土地开垦、耕作方式和技术、农田建设、作物品种等发展的一个重要阶段，以至于对土家家族地区长达450年的土司制度有着直接的影响。这一时期的土家族地区的农业生产关系具有强烈的人身依附关系性质。