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101.
国际政治背景下东北亚多边能源合作机制的构建   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
伴随着世界石油市场价格的波动和国际形势的深刻变化,能源问题越来越成为东北亚各国关注的焦点问题。参照国际经验,解决东北亚区域能源安全的一个重要途径就是建立区域多边能源合作机制。从国际政治角度来看,在东北亚构建多边能源合作机制有其必要性、可能性和现实性。  相似文献   
102.
合同能源管理是在西方发达国家发展起来的一种基于市场运作的全新的节能机制,我国政府运用了大量的政策工具来推动合同能源管理机制的应用,但该机制仍然欠缺硬法的保障,这成了制约其发展的最主要的原因。有必要对此单独立法,设计出符合我国国情的法律规范,对节能服务企业实行资质管理,并通过立法明确能源管理合同当事人及参与人的权利义务关系,明确必须节能的部门和行业,完善相关的税收、能耗奖惩等制度和政策,为合同能源管理机制服务。  相似文献   
103.
高油价背景下韩国产业政策走向及对中国的启示   总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0  
石油作为一种基础能源产品,目前约占全球能源消费的40%,它的价格变动牵动着经济的每个领域,2002年以来的国际高油价显出固定化特征,石油的供应趋紧将会是未来世界面临的问题,由于能源消费增长率高于经济增长率、单位GDP能耗较高;能源对石油的依赖水平高于发达国家;能源消费集中在制造业和运输业;能源的97%、石油的100%依赖于进口等问题的存在,对韩国提出了严峻挑战,给韩国的能源安全造成了极大压力。为此,韩国提出了能源自立、调整产业结构、从需求角度提高能效、从供给角度扩大新能源、再生能源等替代能源的开发和普及、大力支持环保型汽车的开发等产业政策目标。  相似文献   
104.
Indian energy sector has undergone a tremendous transformation with consistent government policy interventions since 2000. Against this backdrop, we examine the extent to which energy poverty has decreased due to the expansion of energy services and the significant determinants of energy poverty in select six states in India. Overall, results reveal that absolute multidimensional energy poverty has substantially decreased across all states examined in the study as well as across all income and social groups between 2015 and 2018. Specifically, acute multidimensional energy poverty has reduced by an average of 30% between 2015 and 2018 in six states. At the same time, dependency on biomass remains more or less the same between 2015 and 2018. Results also show that inequality in the access to energy across income and social groups exists, and education is negatively related to energy poverty. Energy poverty has declined by a similar percentage among most employment groups, except for people practicing cattle rearing. Finally, culture is a significant determinant of energy poverty as households with the elderly and more land owned have higher energy poverty, probably due to the easy access to biomass and preference of such households to use it.  相似文献   
105.
罪犯感情势能的形成和积累,给罪犯带来各种各样的情感困扰,使罪犯产生心理问题,不仅对罪犯自身的服刑改造产生影响作用,而且对罪犯的身心健康也有着极大的影响作用。因此,防止罪犯感情势能在罪犯体内形成和积累,让罪犯学会及时宣泄自己的不良情绪,使心理恢复平衡,把握宣泄不良情绪、情感的方法,有效地、科学地把消极情感"零存整取"地排解出去,是保持罪犯身心健康的有效手段。  相似文献   
106.
在“海权论”“无主”“共有”等国际视阈下,北极地区的归属特别是能源资源权益的划分一直悬而未决——特别是在近年来北极环境变迁逐步加快、各国极地活动能力不断增强、全球能源竞争日趋激烈的背景下,各国拓宽能源获取渠道的需求已经变得越来越强烈。无论是以俄罗斯为代表的北极地区国家,还是以中国为代表的“非北极国家”,都对北极有着较强的能源权益声索以及能源安全维护需求。围绕着北极地区的公共与私有属性界定、开放与排他政策选择、法制与权力标准划分等诸多问题,各国之间展开了全方位的多轮博弈。目前,在各国北极政策“理念一致、目标冲突”的背景下,在北极开展合作特别是能源开发合作也越发困难重重。而对于提倡构建“冰上丝绸之路”的中国来说,要想维护本国在北极的能源安全,就必须借助在北极有重要影响力的国家的力量,通过分享理念、设置议题、促成合作等多种方式,实现对北极事务的有效介入。这将有助于规避因恶性竞争而带来的战略透支,为增强中国的北极能源开发话语权奠定基础。  相似文献   
107.
Australia's National Electricity Market (NEM) became unstable in 2016/2017 after 20 years of consistent performance. The South Australian grid collapsed on 28 September 2016 – Australia's first black system event since 1964. Wholesale prices in the region trebled to $120+/MWh; soon after Hazelwood power station announced its exit with just 5 months’ notice. The problem spread as prices elsewhere doubled to $89/MWh from a long‐run average of $42.50. The NEM is experiencing a supply‐side crisis. Consistent with the requirement to decarbonise the system, aged coal‐fired generators are exiting but decades of climate change policy discontinuity has frustrated the entry of new plant. Long‐dated capital‐intensive asset industries like electricity supply anticipate a conventional policy cycle. What they have experienced instead is consistent with garbage can theory. Policy clarity may be emerging for only the second time in two decades. As with the NEM, its durability will depend on cooperative federalism.  相似文献   
108.
States producing gas and oil have long levied severance taxes at the point of extraction, commonly placing most revenues into general funds. These taxes have assumed new meaning in many states amid the expansion of gas and oil production accompanying the advent of hydraulic fracturing. We reviewed all major statutes and constitutional amendments related to severance taxes that were enacted at the state level during the first decade of the “shale era” (2005–14). There have been only modest adjustments in statutory tax rates and some evidence that states have attempted to reduce these rates, possibly in response to growing national production. In turn, there is also evidence that states have begun to pursue more targeted strategies for revenue use, including some expanded focus on responding to the negative externalities linked to drilling, expanded revenue sharing with localities, and increased long‐term protection of resources through state trust funds.  相似文献   
109.
Energy development on public lands in the intermountain west is often contentious due to concerns over detrimental impacts to wildlife. To mitigate harm to ungulates and other species, federal agencies often utilize adaptive management, a structured decision‐making framework predicated on “learning while doing.” But in the context of recent energy development, does adaptive management represent an innovative approach to conservation, or is it a largely symbolic policy used to contain the scope of conflict? This article, rooted in the agenda‐setting literature, applies Sarah Pralle's (2006) framework to strategies of conflict containment used by the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) and industry in three contentious energy development projects in Wyoming. The findings indicate that the BLM's use of adaptive management can be understood as a strategy for conflict containment, rather than as a substantive policy change in public lands oil and gas development.  相似文献   
110.
Whether allegiance to party or the preferences of constituents are most important in an elected representative's voting decision has been a long‐running question in political science. This study contributes to this debate through an evaluation of biofuels policy in the U.S. Congress. Results indicate that in this policy area the House and Senate balance these influences differently, with partisanship playing a significant role in the House but not in the Senate. Analysis of voting on this issue indicates that there are important distinctions between how a legislator views the overall partisan preferences of constituents in their district or state versus how they view the interests of particular groups of constituents; when the concentration of agricultural interests in a legislator's district or state is great enough, it can override the effects of party for this issue, which suggests that legislators are especially concerned with specific constituency groups in their district or state that would stand to gain or lose from a policy. The proposition that a legislator is most likely to do that which benefits him or her most regardless of the available science relevant to a policy is a useful starting point for understanding what has been found in this research project.  相似文献   
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