Solomon Markos 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(4):235-247

This article provides an in-depth review of the successes and challenges of public sector reform efforts in Ethiopia with a view to help other developing countries, particularly African countries, learn from Ethiopia's experiences in this regard so that they can improve the content of and approach to their public sector reforms. It also identifies the gaps in the existing literature and puts forward implications for further research in the area. The public sector reform program of Ethiopia has shown successes particularly in the areas of service delivery to citizens. However, the reform program is entangled with challenges such as lack of accountability and transparency on the part of implementing institutions, inadequate material and moral incentive to employees thus crippling the capacity to manage the implementation process, and participation from the side of different stakeholders.  相似文献   

    

Daniel Simonet 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(12):815-826

The New Public Management (NPM) Theory is a rhetorical construction with diverse intellectual roots. That diversity means that it is open to reinterpretation and shifts in implementation across countries (Sahlin-Andersson, 2001 Sahlin-Andersson, K. 2001. “National, international and transnational constructions of New Public Management”. In New Public Management—The transformation of ideas and practice, Edited by: Christensen, T. and ægreid, P. L. 43–72. Aldershot, , UK: Ashgate.  [Google Scholar]; Smullen, 2007 Smullen, A. 2007. Translating agency reform: Rhetoric and culture in comparative perspective, Rotterdam, , The Netherlands: PhD Dissertation, Erasmus University.  [Google Scholar]). This overview article critically investigates NPM application in various EU health care systems. NPM led to a greater focus on market forces and competition and improved information sharing and cooperation among health care networks, and changed the way care is delivered. This article also identifies significant misfits between policy announcements and NPM implementation. NPM has taken root much more substantially in the United Kingdom (UK) than in France and Germany. The variety of capitalism and institutional systems provides an explanation for divergences in NPM implementation.  相似文献   

    

Can Umut Çiner 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(8):445-455

Prefects are considered important actors in the formation of different public policies in Turkey. While prefects and sub-prefects are empowered by means of new policies, their roles are also altered during the process of strengthening local governments. This alteration process represents the spirit of the state reform in its broadest range, that is, the conflict between the central and the local. Another new public policy for Turkey is metropolization. The administrative structure of Turkey has been dramatically changed by the introduction of the new Metropolitan Municipality Law (Law No. 6360, 2012). Representing a major change, this law added 14 more metropolitan municipalities to the already existing 16, and abolished Special Provincial Administrations within the metropolitan municipalities. This study aims to explain the reforms made on a metropolitan level together with the transformation of the government, the central–local conflict, and the prefects’ role in these reform and transformation processes in Turkey.  相似文献   

    

Heidi Houlberg Salomonsen  Lotte Bøgh Andersen 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(10):611-624

This study investigates how an institutional exogenous change interacts with professional norms in relation to behavior in public organizations. We test how a new grading scale introduced in 2007 changed grade point averages and pass rates at two university departments. Data consist of register data on grading between 2004 and 2010. We find that the new grading scale both increased grade point averages and pass rates and halted the negative time trend in these variables. These effects are even greater for exams with an external examiner. The main conclusion is that grading systems affect grading both immediately and over time.  相似文献   

    

Harald Torsteinsen 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(3):321-344

This paper discusses and tries to explain the paradoxical observation that a local government reform aimed at reducing or even removing bureaucracy actually leads to more formalisation, not less. During the last 10–15 years more than 40 per cent of Norwegian municipalities have adopted an organisational model that makes the administration more disaggregated, decentralised and flat. The reform has been promoted by strong post- or even anti-bureaucratic rhetoric, arguing for increased managerial autonomy at the operational level. The basic idea is that greater autonomy will create better performance. The paradox of increased formalisation is discussed on the basis of rhetoric, unintended consequences, diagnostic problems and linguistic problems. The paper concludes by pointing out the need for a more nuanced conception of bureaucracy than the dichotomous approach of post-bureaucracy can offer. It also outlines a couple of supplementing explanations for increased formalisation.  相似文献   

    

《Electoral Studies》2021

This article revisits the debate over Chile's binomial electoral rules and its consequences and examines how the new electoral system conceived by a democratic congress altered political competition. It utilizes a seat-vote model of multiparty competition to analyze party bias under the binomial rule. This approach differs substantively from prior studies of the Chilean case that focused primarily on the disproportionality of aggregate results. In contrast to earlier analyses, the findings reveal that the allocation of the seats under the binominal resulted in significant party bias benefiting the main parties of the right. This bias, however, was eliminated after the electoral reform. The new rule continues to provide majoritarian benefits to parties receiving larger shares of votes, but this effect is less pronounced than before. It is now easier for small parties to gain seats, which has increased party fragmentation. However, we show that coalition incentives, which were heralded as one of the main advantages of the binomial rule, are also significant under the new rule in use since 2017.  相似文献   

    

Angela J. Thielo  Francis T. Cullen  Derek M. Cohen  Cecilia Chouhy 《犯罪学与公共政策》2016,15(1):137-170

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Okey Marcellus Ikeanyibe 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2016,39(7):563-576

This study examines the Nigerian attempts to implement the New Public Management (NPM) reform. The paper aims at identifying the strand, the extent of progress made and the reason(s) for success/failure recorded. The author finds that the poor success story of the reform is as a result of the preference of the more attractive cost-saving neoliberal economic aspect to the more involving and demanding bureaucratic aspect, the inconsistencies in program implementation, and lack of strong political will common to adopting reform in developing countries. The article recommends that reforms require dealing with the critical challenges of institutionalization, inconsistency and legitimization.  相似文献   

    

Roman Vakulchuk 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2016,39(14):1180-1194

Since 2000, Kazakhstan has followed the New Public Management reform trajectory in modernizing its public sector and public service delivery. This article employs an actor-centered perspective to examine the effects of the public administration reform and its implications for foreign petroleum companies in Kazakhstan. The study builds on primary sources in the form of 81 semi-structured interviews with public servants, representatives of foreign petroleum companies and experts. The main conclusion is that the reform effects are ambiguous. Despite some success in greater efficiency of public services, many weaknesses remain, with highly varying implications for foreign petroleum companies.  相似文献   

    

Ying Hooi Khoo 《Asian Politics & Policy》2016,8(3):418-435

This article looks at how an electoral reform movement affected electoral mobilization during the 13th General Elections in Malaysia. The elections are significant because it was the first time an opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat, managed to secure the highest number of parliamentary seats. At the macro‐level, the article argues that political opportunities have emerged from the development of the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih), as well as similar groups. A broad set of incentives within authoritarian settings then increases citizens’ participation in movements on a micro‐level. Using the structural‐cognitive model proposed by Karl Dieter Opp and drawing on qualitative evidence through fieldwork observation and interviews, I relate the reform movements to citizens’ proactive electoral mobilization during the 2013 elections.  相似文献