民事审级改革略论

公正合理的审级制度是最大限度地实现司法职能和法律价值目标的前提条件.而我国司法的行政化导致法院缺乏独立性;司法腐败和地方保护主义导致法官的不独立;再审制度导致裁判的不确定和司法权威的下降.现行司法的审级制度影响法院独立行使裁判权,影响司法公正,必须进行改革.对民事审级改革中各审级法院审理的范围方式,审查程序提出了具体的改革思路.     

不认罪案件中适用独立量刑程序的理论分析 ——基于新司法改革背景

我国当前实行的是相对独立的量刑程序模式,尽管该模式在被告人认罪案件中具有可行性,但在不认罪案件中却存在着较多的局限性,独立的量刑程序模式则可有效避免现有模式的弊端。独立的量刑程序更符合定罪与量刑之间的差异性要求,也更有利于实现程序价值和落实庭审实质化。此外,在案件繁简分流、认罪认罚从宽等新的司法改革背景下,不认罪案件中适用独立的量刑程序已经逐步具备了可行性。     

对外依存与中国外交的战略自主

改革开放四十年,中国经济得到长足发展,与此同时也带来了对外依存度偏高的风险,而经济上的对外依存与战略自主之间存在密切的相互影响关系。回顾一些大国的对外战略可以看出,相互依存直接影响对外战略,对外依存度过高会导致战略自主性的下降,从而极大缩减战略选项,甚至在一些关键节点不得不诉诸战略冒险。中国的对外依存与战略自主的关系也经历了复杂的演变过程。新中国成立后,中国一度采取"一边倒"的对外政策,在一定程度上影响了战略自主。改革开放之后,中国经济对外部市场、技术和能源的依存度不断上升,也在一定程度上限制了中国对外战略的全面自主发展。因此,中国的大国战略必须在外向与内顾、国际与国内之间保持适当的平衡,更为合理地协调对外依存与战略自主之间的关系,将全面深度改革开放与全方位外交布局紧密联系在一起。唯其如此,中国未来的大国外交才能行稳致远。     

改革开放30年来影响我国经济社会深刻变革的思想理论观念

改革开放30年来,我们恰恰是因为对过去一些思想理论观念进行了新的突破,才推动了我国经济社会的深刻变革,从而开辟了中国特色的社会主义道路。对改革开放30年来不断创新的思想理论观念进行概括总结,不仅仅是一种回顾,更应该是一种深刻的反思。     

宁夏农村体制改革回顾和今后改革的思路

改革是宁夏农村经济社会发生巨变的动力,也是建设社会主义新农村、实现农村小康社会的不竭动力。落实科学发展观,继续深入探索新时期农村体制改革,对加快我区农业和农村经济社会发展具有十分重要的意义。     

公安院校实践教学改革若干问题思考

实践教学是公安教育的一个主要教学环节,对于提高学生的综合素质,培养学生的创新精神和实践能力有着不可替代的作用,本文就将实践教学的现状及存在的问题进行分析,并提出了相关改革措施。     

对刑事侦查的司法审查之探究

对刑事侦查行为进行必要的司法审查是平衡诉讼格局、对侦查活动进行有效监督、合理分配侦查实施权和侦查监督权以及保障犯罪嫌疑人合法权利的必然要求.司法审查应由法院来实施,法院有权对侦查主体是否适格、证据是否合法、程序是否正当等进行审查.文章认为,实施对侦查活动的司法审查还有赖于对司法权力的合理配置、对检察机关职权和地位的再认识以及对法院体制和法官任用管理体制的改革,才能发挥出应有的效果.     

New directions for public service reform in developing countries

This paper argues that recent developments in practice and theory provide a more promising basis for public service reform in developing countries than we have had since at least the turn of the century. There have been significant instances of large‐scale reform success, such as Nepal's Public Service Commission and Malaysia's delivery unit, Pemandu, and also “pockets of effectiveness” in individual agencies in many countries. They contribute to a more fruitful and diverse repertoire of reform approaches than generally realized. Policymakers can draw on all those instances and types of reform, together with relevant rich country experiences, as they improvise and tailor responses to their always unique reform problems. Proceeding in this way helps reformers to expand the “reform space” available within the political economy. Donors can help reformers if they facilitate reform in the spirit of the Busan Partnership rather than impose their preferred models. In short, the new direction which this paper identifies can be stated as creative problem solving by local actors facilitated by sympathetic donors, building on examples of reform success and drawing on a repertoire of poor and rich country reform approaches.     

South Korean views on Japan's constitutional reform under the Abe government

In this Special Section, this article reviews South Korean views on Japan's ‘peace’ Constitution and the Abe government's attempts at constitutional reform. It identifies three different understandings among South Korean academics on why Japan is escalating attempts to revise the Constitution under the Abe government. An in-depth analysis demonstrates that all three perspectives pay specific attention to Japan's constitutional reform in relation to security policy changes. However, they differ in assessing the impact of Japan's constitutional reform on South Korea as well as how South Korea should deal with such a change. A minority opinion considers Japan's ‘remilitarisation’ through constitutional revision as conducive to South Korean security interests by increasing deterrence against North Korea, whereas the dominant opinion is that any attempt to revise the Constitution could be in and of itself a potential threat to South Korea's security due to a lack of trust attributed to unresolved historical conflicts between Korea and Japan. However, all three approaches pay hardly any attention to the positive role of Japan's peace Constitution while Japan's peace Constitution might provide a regional peace model in Northeast Asia.     

Shinzo Abe's security legislation reform and peacebuilding in Mindanao

Recent literature on Japanese foreign policy has focused on analysing the implications of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's security legislation reform for the bilateral security alliance relationship with the US amidst a rising China and the right to collective self-defence. Its impact on Japan's multilateral security policy, in particular, peacebuilding, has so far received little attention. In what ways and to what extent does Japan play a peacebuilding role under this change? This article examines key implications of the security legislation reform, along with the renewal of Japan's Official Development Assistance charter, for its peacebuilding efforts. By taking Mindanao, the Philippines, as a case study, it argues that Abe focuses on taking a foreign aid-centred approach while showing little interest in sending Japanese Self-Defence Force. This article provides a counter-narrative to the claim that Japan is taking a more assertive approach to international security. Abe is more risk-averse as far as his approach to peacebuilding is concerned.